[While Israel and its advocates seemed paralyzed by Mr. Obama’s move,
analysts here generally condemned the decision to wait for Congressional
approval, saying it weakened American leadership in the Middle East
and made it more likely that Mr. Netanyahu would order Israeli military action
against Iran on his own. Several experts said it was a significant
setback, after months in which Jerusalem and Washington had seemed more in accord on the Iran question.]
By Jodi Rudoren and Isabel Kershner
Behind closed doors, Mr.
Netanyahu told his cabinet on Sunday that the situation was “evolving,” with
“delicate matters” that he was managing “with discretion and responsibility,”
and warned: “There is no room for private statements.”
“I ask that you not act without
consideration and irresponsibly toward our ally in order to capture a moment of
glory,” Mr. Netanyahu said, according to someone who was there and spoke on the
condition of anonymity. “These statements do not serve the citizens of Israel .”
At the same time, Israel has a powerful American lobby with bipartisan strength
that could be uniquely positioned to help the White House shore up support in
Congress.
Yet there were no outward signs
on Sunday that Israel would attempt to influence the outcome, and numerous
experts on the Israel-American relationship said it would be deeply dangerous
to try.
“It would be a mistake to
overplay the Israeli interest,” said Itamar Rabinovich, who was Israel ’s ambassador to the United States and also its chief negotiator with Syria in the 1990s. “It’s bad for Israel that the average
American gets it into his or her mind that boys are again sent to war for
Israel. They have to be sent to war for America .”
Another former ambassador,
Sallai Meridor, who served in Washington during the Iraq war, said Israel should share its analysis but not give advice, particularly
if the debate breaks along party lines, as often happened during the Bush
years. “The line may be hard to see, but you know if you crossed it,” Mr.
Meridor said. “For a small nation like Israel , bipartisan support is a strategic asset.”
Both Mr. Obama and his secretary
of state, John Kerry, have mentioned Israel ’s needs as one justification for an attack on Syria . But some in Washington have already raised the specter of retaliatory missiles
raining on Tel Aviv, as they did during the Persian Gulf war, as a reason not
to strike. Michael B. Oren, Israel ’s current ambassador to the United States , rebuffed that argument Sunday, saying in an interview,
“Nobody can allege or assume that because of us America should not act.” Beyond that, Mr. Oren said, “the general
disposition is not to be involved in this vote.”
A spokesman for the
American-Israel Public Affairs Committee, the main pro-Israel lobby, said
Sunday that the group “won’t have comment for now.” Another advocate for Israel in Washington said people were waiting to see the White House strategy
for the vote and how the debate unfolded before deciding what to do. Part of
the hesitation comes from Jerusalem ’s ambivalence about what outcome it prefers in the Syrian
civil war.
“The only thing that is clear is
that Israel will take the heat either way,” a senior Israeli
government official said, speaking on the condition of anonymity because of Mr.
Netanyahu’s directive. “If we remain on the sidelines, it will be seen as
defiant criticism of President Obama. And if we don’t, it will be seen as
interference. There is nothing we can do to come out clean.”
While Israel and its advocates seemed paralyzed by Mr. Obama’s move,
analysts here generally condemned the decision to wait for Congressional
approval, saying it weakened American leadership in the Middle East
and made it more likely that Mr. Netanyahu would order Israeli military action
against Iran on his own. Several experts said it was a significant
setback, after months in which Jerusalem and Washington had seemed more in accord on the Iran question.
“The punch line is that the more
that Israel perceives the U.S. as hesitant, the more Israel will be pushed to
deal alone with the Iranians, something that the U.S. really did not want,”
said Michael Herzog, an Israel-based fellow of the Washington Institute for
Near East Policy. “People ask, ‘If this is the case on a relatively simple
thing like striking Syria , how will they act against Iran ?’ It deepens the question marks.”
Ari Shavit, a columnist for the
left-leaning daily newspaper Haaretz, said that Israel and others in the Middle
East were being left with a “feeling of orphans,” wondering “if there is still
a reliable parent in Washington who is really committed, who understands what’s
going on and who is willing to act.”
Dan Gillerman, a former Israeli
ambassador to the United Nations, attacked Mr. Obama’s speech announcing that
he would put the Syria question before Congress as “a very serious diplomatic
and political fiasco reminiscent of the Carter days,” and said the enemies of
Israel and the United States — especially in Tehran — were “gloating and
celebrating.”
“In Israel there is a lot of worry about whether we can really count
on the United
States ,”
Mr. Gillerman said. “The behavior of the U.S. and what it projects over the last few weeks has cast a
very dark shadow and very serious doubt over that.”