January 25, 2015

OBAMA LANDS IN INDIA, WITH AIM OF IMPROVING TIES

[Mr. Obama’s visit, his second as president, is a major event in India. Despite lingering distrust in many parts of the government, largely over Washington’s history of support for rival Pakistan, the United States enjoys widespread popularity among the general population. For weeks, the Hindi news media has dissected details of Mr. Obama’s planned visit, running half-page cutaway graphics of his limousine and airplane, and broadcasting a detailed report about his BlackBerry. A Hindustan Times report implored the first lady to “Please Dress Desi,” featuring a series of Indian designers offering to provide her with couture saris.]

   

Prime Minister Modi Welcomes President Obama
NEW DELHI — President Obama arrived here on Sunday morning for a three-day visit aimed at forging agreements with India to work together to curb climate change and to break through an impasse that has blocked civilian nuclear cooperation for years.
Reinforcing his personal affinity for the president, Prime Minister Narendra Modi broke with protocol to meet Mr. Obama and Michelle Obama on the tarmac as they disembarked fromAir Force One. The two leaders exchanged warm handshakes and a hug as they prepared for a pomp-filled visit that will include a national parade, a state dinner and a tree-planting ceremony.
Negotiators were working to clear the way for American companies to build civilian nuclear power plants in India. Mr. Obama’s predecessor, President George W. Bush, sealed a civilian nuclear cooperation agreement with India, but it has been held up for years by a dispute over India’s liability law. The Indian news media reported Sunday that the two sides had made progress toward a breakthrough that would be announced later in the day.
The Obama administration has also been trying to craft an agreement over climate change, although American officials have cautioned against expecting anything as significant as the one Mr. Obama struck in November with China setting specific goals for reductions in greenhouse gases. Instead, Mr. Obama and Mr. Modi seem set to announce a series of relatively smaller cooperative steps and an agreement to work together on a broader global plan.
Mr. Obama’s visit, his second as president, is a major event in India. Despite lingering distrust in many parts of the government, largely over Washington’s history of support for rival Pakistan, the United States enjoys widespread popularity among the general population. For weeks, the Hindi news media has dissected details of Mr. Obama’s planned visit, running half-page cutaway graphics of his limousine and airplane, and broadcasting a detailed report about his BlackBerry. A Hindustan Times report implored the first lady to “Please Dress Desi,” featuring a series of Indian designers offering to provide her with couture saris.
Mr. Obama’s arrival was marred to some extent by his decision, announced just as he left Washington, to cut the visit short by several hours and skip a tour of the Taj Mahal in order to fly to Saudi Arabia to pay respects to the family of King Abdullah, who died on Friday. The cancellation of the visit to the Taj Mahal, India’s most iconic site, was seen as a disappointment here.
But Mr. Obama planned to pay homage to other cherished symbols of India’s status as the world’s largest democracy. Shortly after landing, he headed to Rajghat for a wreath-laying and tree-planting ceremony at the memorial to Mahatma Gandhi, the father of modern India. Mr. Obama’s tree was planted on the other side of a walkway from one planted by President Bill Clinton during his own visit in 2000.
On Sunday evening, Mr. Obama was to be the guest of honor at a state dinner hosted by Mr. Modi, who was returning the favor after a visit to the White House last September. On Monday, Mr. Obama will be the chief guest at the annual Republic Day parade marking the anniversary of the day India’s Constitution went into force, the first time an American president has been honored with that role.
The display of friendship stands in stark contrast to the state of the relationship just a year ago after the arrest and strip search of an Indian diplomat accused of exploiting a housekeeper in New York. Mr. Obama and Mr. Modi have made it a priority to move beyond that dispute, even though some advocacy groups fretted that meant Washington would turn away from serious human rights issues.
Neelam Deo, a longtime Indian diplomat who now heads Gateway House, a foreign policy research organization based in Mumbai, said that Mr. Modi would distinguish himself principally by projecting a simple message about the United States.
 “It is a moment where the coyness of the previous government has been set aside,” she said. “That is not his style. He is pretty explicit. I would say he has gone all the way to project the message — and there is nothing ideological about this — that the U.S. is the most important country in the world for us. It’s what we look for.”
Foreign policy has been a central focus of Mr. Modi’s first months in office, although it was barely mentioned during his development-focused campaign last year. He has made it a priority to project a more forceful leadership role for India among its South Asian neighbors, challenging China’s growing partnerships with the leaders of Sri Lanka and the Maldives. Simultaneously, he is exploring deeper economic ties with China, though a visit from the Chinese president, Xi Jinping, was marred by tension over the disputed border between the two countries.
Mr. Modi, who pays meticulous attention to the symbolic messages of high-level meetings, immediately made it clear on Sunday with his decision to greet Mr. Obama with an embrace that his relationship with the United States is a warm and trusting one. In the past, Mr. Modi has reserved such greetings for leaders who were trusted partners, like Japan’s prime minister, Shinzo Abe, and, more recently, Prime Minister Tony Abbott of Australia.
A breakthrough on the nuclear issue would provide both leaders a tangible achievement from the visit. Mr. Bush reached agreement with India in 2006 to end a decades-long moratorium on sales of nuclear fuel and reactor components while India in exchange would separate civilian and military nuclear programs and open civilian facilities to international inspections.
But the promise of a thriving new nuclear trade between the powers never materialized because of an Indian law that would hold American energy companies liable for accidents. American companies sought more protection, while the Indian government argued that the American government should pressure the companies to invest anyway.
On climate change, Mr. Modi has already pledged that India will increase production of clean, solar-powered electricity to 100,000 megawatts by 2022, from 3,000 currently. The two leaders are working on an agreement under which the United States would help India cut its use of hydrofluorocarbons, or HFCs — a component in coolants in refrigerators and air-conditioners.
Absent a broader commitment to goals like those agreed to by China, Mr. Obama hopes to enlist Mr. Modi’s support for a United Nations climate change accord scheduled to be completed in Paris in December.
While India is the third-largest carbon polluter after China and the United States, it has traditionally argued that it should not have to limit its production of greenhouse gases because it is a developing country that historically has contributed little to the long-term problem and has hundreds of millions of people to lift out of poverty.
If Mr. Modi were to embrace the Paris process, the Obama administration and environmental groups have argued that it would be a significant shift that could build momentum for other countries to join the effort in a serious way. India is expected to issue a plan to reduce emission rates by June, and environmentalists hope that domestic backlash against urban pollution will pressure the government to be more ambitious, much as what happened in China.
Hari Kumar contributed reporting from New Delhi, and Coral Davenport from Washington.