[The Supreme Court of India directed the Law Commission of India to file a report on acid attacks and the laws dealing with them. Indian laws did not include the disfiguration of a woman in an acid attacks as a separate crime, but included the crime in the categories of hurt, grievous hurt, or attempt to murder. No official data on the number of acid attacks across India exists because the attacks were not registered by the Indian police as a separate offense.]
By Hari Kumar
Piyal Adhikary/European Pressphoto Agency |
A police van took
Laxmi to a public hospital. Her face — eyes, ears, nose, and lips — had been
burnt. Her hands and her back had been injured. She stayed in the hospital for
two and half months. Laxmi’s father worked as a cook for an upper-middle class
doctor in Delhi, who helped pay her medical expenses. Mr. Khan and the
female attacker were arrested and given prison sentences of ten and
seven years, respectively, in 2009.
Laxmi had to undergo
seven restorative surgeries in private hospitals. She still can’t see properly.
She can’t stretch her right arm fully. Her nose, ears, hands, and lips still
need treatment. Her father and his employer, the doctor, have already paid one
million rupees in medical bills for Laxmi. She had no support from the state.
Laxmi tried to find
work but found herself shunned by potential employers.
“I will be called for
an interview but after seeing my face the employers would express some
sympathy. They would promise to inform me when they take a decision. It always
meant a no,” Laxmi said in an interview last week. “Why should I be punished?”
The survivors of acid
attacks in India live a life of seclusion and invisibility even inside their
homes, Laxmi explained. A year after she was attacked, she teamed up with a
pro-bono lawyer Aparna Bhat and filed a Public Interest Litigation in the
Supreme Court of India to seek compensation for the victims of acid attacks,
free medical treatment for them, and regulation of acid sales in India, which
could be bought over the counter.
“She was very angry
and wanted to fight,” Ms. Bhat said in a phone interview.
The Supreme Court of
India directed the Law Commission of India to file a report on acid attacks and
the laws dealing with them. Indian laws did not include the disfiguration of a
woman in an acid attacks as a separate crime, but included the crime in the
categories of hurt, grievous hurt, or attempt to murder. No official data on
the number of acid attacks across India exists because the attacks were not
registered by the Indian police as a separate offense.
“The acid is usually
thrown at victim’s face,” the Law Commission of India report noted. “The
perpetrator wants to disfigure the victim and turn them into monster.”
The Law Commission of
India recommended treating
acid attacks as separate crime. In the aftermath of the gang rape of a student
in Delhi in December, the Indian government established a committee headed by
an eminent jurist and retired chief justice of the Supreme Court, J.S.Verma.
Justice Verma’s report also
recommended creating a separate offence for acid attacks against women.
The Indian government
accepted the recommendations and modified the criminal law to punish
a person guilty of an acid attack with minimum 10 years in prison and a maximum
of up to life imprisonment. It also added a fine of up to one million rupees,
nearly $17,000 U.S.
Laxmi, 23, found work
as a volunteer with an activist group, Stop Acid Attack. She makes 10,000
rupees a month and looks after her mother and younger brother. Her father died.
Her struggle is beginning to bear fruit. In response to her petition the
Supreme Court of India passed an order, last week, to stop the open sale of
acid and asked state governments to regulate it by asking dealers to register
the identification of buyers and state what they were using it for. Acid
cannot be sold over the counter anymore.
“The acid attack
victims need to restore their body and their self. They need high-class surgery
and counseling,” said Professor Shiv Visvanathan, an eminent sociologist, who
teaches at Jindal School of Government and Public Policy in Sonipat, near New
Delhi. The Supreme Court of India still needs to decide on compensation and
free medical treatment of victims.
Scholars and activists
in India are struggling to find the precise time when acid attacks started
occurring in the country. Many cite the infamous incident known as the
Bhagalpur blindings in 1979 as a pivotal moment after which India saw an
increase in reports of acid attacks. Between 1979 and 1980, the police in
Bhagalpur town in the northern state of Bihar blinded 33 undertrials by gouging
out their eyes and pouring acid into the sockets of their eyes.
“The reports of acid
attacks on women increased in the 1980s after the Bhagalpur blindings,”
Professor Visvanathan said.
@ The New York Times
PRINCIPAL OF INDIAN SCHOOL THAT SERVED TAINTED LUNCH IS ARRESTED
By Gardiner Harris
NEW
DELHI — Nine days after she disappeared, the principal of a school in eastern
India where 23 children died after eating a lunch tainted with pesticide was
arrested Wednesday by the police.
@ The New York Times
PRINCIPAL OF INDIAN SCHOOL THAT SERVED TAINTED LUNCH IS ARRESTED
[The Bihar poisoning case has reverberated politically. Nitish Kumar, Bihar’s chief minister, has been widely criticized for failing to visit the parents of the dead children and sharing their grief. Mr. Kumar was widely regarded for helping to spur growth and development in Bihar, long one of India’s poorest and most chaotic states. But he recently undertook an acrimonious split with his longtime ally, the Bharatiya Janata Party, after he criticized that party’s rising leader, Narendra Modi.]
By Gardiner Harris
The principal, Meena Kumari, had been on her way to
surrender before a judge in Chapra when she was detained by the police, the
district police chief, Sujeet Kumar, said by telephone.
Ms. Kumari was among the most wanted people in India after she fled her school in the village of
Dharmasati Gandawa in Bihar’s Saran district when the children in her school
started vomiting soon after eating a free lunch. Forensic tests have confirmed
that the cooking oil used to prepare the meal of rice, beans, potato curry and
soy balls was contaminated with pesticide. Ms. Kumari bought the cooking oil
from a store owned by her husband, who might have kept the cooking oil in a
container once filled with pesticide, the police said.
Since the only other adult at the school was the school’s
cook, who also fell deathly ill, Ms. Kumari’s departure meant that the ailing
children were left to fend for themselves, according to villagers and state
officials. Some staggered home to die in the arms of their parents.
The children complained that the meal tasted odd, but Ms.
Kumari insisted that it was fine, officials said.
In the days after, television journalists picked through
parts of Ms. Kumari’s empty house, showing rooms filled with old bicycles and
other items. Some parents buried their children in front of the school as a way
of protesting the deaths.
School lunch programs became universal in India after a
2001 order by the country’s Supreme Court, and free meals are now served to 120
million children — by far the largest such program in the world. The program
has been credited with improving school attendance. With some surveys
suggesting that nearly half of Indian children suffer some form of
malnutrition, it also serves a vital health purpose.
But like many government programs in India, it is
underfinanced and plagued by corruption and mismanagement. Cases of tainted
food are fairly routine, and in the days after the Bihar case Indian news media
reported other instances of children sickened by school lunches.
School facilities in India are often poor and many lack
kitchens and dining areas. Lunches are sometimes prepared outside with dirty
water and amid trash and animals. In other places, well-organized charities
prepare nutritious and tasty meals in centralized kitchens under strict
conditions.
The Bihar poisoning case has reverberated politically.
Nitish Kumar, Bihar’s chief minister, has been widely criticized for failing to
visit the parents of the dead children and sharing their grief. Mr. Kumar was
widely regarded for helping to spur growth and development in Bihar, long one
of India’s poorest and most chaotic states. But he recently undertook an
acrimonious split with his longtime ally, the Bharatiya Janata Party, after he
criticized that party’s rising leader, Narendra Modi.
Speculation has been rampant that Mr. Kumar might join the
governing United Progressive Alliance ahead of next year’s national elections.
A recent poll showed that Mr. Kumar remains popular in Bihar, but his handling
of the school lunch case may tarnish his image. Mr. Kumar has suggested that
the poisoning may have been a conspiracy.
In a news conference on Wednesday evening, Mr. Kumar again
insisted, “This is not a simple case of accidental poisoning.”
He did not say more about the cause of the poisoning. “The
police are investigating the case,” he said. “They have arrested the key
accused. It is a matter of further investigation.”
Mr. Kumar promised to help those harmed.
“We can’t bring back the dead children,” he said, “but we
will do whatever we can for the development of the village and to help the
families.”
Hari Kumar contributed reporting.