[Even
as deputy commissioner-port division Mehboob Rehman rushed to the scene of
crime, where Nilofar's headless body lay in a pool of
blood, Mehtab told the numbed police officers that he had killed his sister for
"running off with a lover and dishonouring the family", say sources.
Nilofar was married for eight years and had two children. It was
"immoral" for her to live with her former paramour,
Firoz Hossain, Mehtab apparently told police.]
@ The Times of India
According to eye witnesses the brother justified beheading his sister saying he did it to punish his sister for the extra-marital affair. |
KOLKATA: In the
first honour
killing in Kolkata in decades, a 29-year-old youth dragged his sister out
on the street and cut off her head with one stroke of the sword in Ayubnagar locality of Nadial, barely 13km from the city
centre, on Friday.
Scores of residents looked on in horror as Mehtab Alam walked to a police station with the head in his left hand and the sword in his right, dripping blood all along the way.
At 11am, the duty officer at Nadial police station jumped to his feet in horror as he saw a young man walk in with the macabre exhibits. Before he could find the words to alert his colleagues, Mehtab put the sword and the head on his table, pulled up a chair and told him that he was ready to be arrested for murdering his sister, 22-year-old Nilofar Bibi. He told the duty officer to "seize the head as evidence", say sources.
Even as deputy commissioner-port division Mehboob Rehman rushed to the scene of crime, where Nilofar's headless body lay in a pool of blood, Mehtab told the numbed police officers that he had killed his sister for "running off with a lover and dishonouring the family", say sources. Nilofar was married for eight years and had two children. It was "immoral" for her to live with her former paramour, Firoz Hossain, Mehtab apparently told police.
Firoz escaped because he wasn't home. "I'd have killed him, too," Mehtab told police. He had even attacked Firoz's sister-in-law, Saboo, who tried to save Nilofar. Saboo's right arm is nearly severed and she is battling for life in hospital, said joint commissioner-crime Pallab Kanti Ghosh.
Nilofar married Akbar of Pachura, Rabindranagar, when she was 14. They have a son aged six and a daughter, four. On November 28, she ran away from her in-laws' home, alleging that she was being harassed and tortured by Akbar's brother. On November 30, she disappeared from her paternal home, too.
Nilofar's father lodged a missing person's diary at Nadial police station. In a few days, Mehtab came to know that she was with Firoz, with whom she had an affair before marriage, say police.
Scores of residents looked on in horror as Mehtab Alam walked to a police station with the head in his left hand and the sword in his right, dripping blood all along the way.
At 11am, the duty officer at Nadial police station jumped to his feet in horror as he saw a young man walk in with the macabre exhibits. Before he could find the words to alert his colleagues, Mehtab put the sword and the head on his table, pulled up a chair and told him that he was ready to be arrested for murdering his sister, 22-year-old Nilofar Bibi. He told the duty officer to "seize the head as evidence", say sources.
Even as deputy commissioner-port division Mehboob Rehman rushed to the scene of crime, where Nilofar's headless body lay in a pool of blood, Mehtab told the numbed police officers that he had killed his sister for "running off with a lover and dishonouring the family", say sources. Nilofar was married for eight years and had two children. It was "immoral" for her to live with her former paramour, Firoz Hossain, Mehtab apparently told police.
Firoz escaped because he wasn't home. "I'd have killed him, too," Mehtab told police. He had even attacked Firoz's sister-in-law, Saboo, who tried to save Nilofar. Saboo's right arm is nearly severed and she is battling for life in hospital, said joint commissioner-crime Pallab Kanti Ghosh.
Nilofar married Akbar of Pachura, Rabindranagar, when she was 14. They have a son aged six and a daughter, four. On November 28, she ran away from her in-laws' home, alleging that she was being harassed and tortured by Akbar's brother. On November 30, she disappeared from her paternal home, too.
Nilofar's father lodged a missing person's diary at Nadial police station. In a few days, Mehtab came to know that she was with Firoz, with whom she had an affair before marriage, say police.
EGYPTIAN PRESIDENT SAID TO PREPARE MARTIAL LAW DECREE
[“President Morsi will soon issue a decision for
the participation of the armed forces in the duties of maintaining security and
protection of vital state institutions until the constitution is approved and
legislative elections are finished,” Al Ahram reported, suggesting that martial
law would last until at least February. Parliamentary elections are expected to
be held two months after the constitutional referendum, which is scheduled for
next Saturday. ]
By David D. Kirkpatrick
CAIRO — Struggling to
subdue continuing street protests, the government of President Mohamed Morsi has approved legislation reimposing
martial law by calling on the armed forces to keep order and authorizing
soldiers to arrest civilians, Egypt’s state media reported
on Saturday.
Mr. Morsi has not yet issued
the order, the flagship state newspaper Al Ahram reported. But even if merely a
threat, the preparation of the measure suggested an escalation in the political
battle between Egypt’s new Islamist leaders and their secular opponents over an
Islamist-backed draft constitution. The standoff has already threatened to
derail the culmination of Egypt’s promised transition to a constitutional
democracy nearly two years after the revolt against the former leader Hosni
Mubarak.
“President Morsi will soon
issue a decision for the participation of the armed forces in the duties of
maintaining security and protection of vital state institutions until the
constitution is approved and legislative elections are finished,” Al Ahram
reported, suggesting that martial law would last until at least February.
Parliamentary elections are expected to be held two months after the
constitutional referendum, which is scheduled for next Saturday.
A short time later, a military
spokesman read a statement over state television echoing the report of the
president’s order. The military “realizes its national responsibility for
maintaining the supreme interests of the nation and securing and protecting the
vital targets, public institutions, and the interests of the innocent
citizens,” the spokesman said.
Expressing “sorrow and
concern” over recent developments, the military spokesman warned of “divisions
that threaten the state of Egypt.”
“Dialogue is the best and
sole way to reach consensus that achieves the interests of the nation and the
citizens,” the spokesman said. “Anything other than that puts us in a dark
tunnel with drastic consequences, which is something that we will not allow.”
Al Ahram reported that the
defense minister would determine the scope of the military’s role. Military
officers would be authorized to act as police and “to use force to the extent
necessary to perform their duty,” the newspaper said.
A need to rely on the
military to secure a referendum to approve the new charter could undermine Mr.
Morsi’s efforts to present the documents as an expression of national consensus
that might resolve the crisis.
Even the possibility
presents an extraordinary role reversal: an elected president who spent decades
opposing Mr. Mubarak’s use of martial law to detain Islamists — a former leader
of the Muslim Brotherhood
who himself spent months in jail under the “emergency law” — is poised to
resort to similar tactics to control unrest and violence from secular groups.
After six decades during which military-backed secular autocrats used the
threat of an Islamist takeover to justify authoritarian rule, the order would
bring the military into the streets to protect an elected Islamist, dashing the
whispered hopes of some more secular Egyptians that the military might step in to
remove Mr. Morsi.
The move would also reflect
an equally extraordinary breakdown in Egyptian civic life that in the last two
weeks has destroyed most of the remaining trust between the rival Islamist and
secular factions, beginning with Mr. Morsi’s decree on Nov. 22 granting himself
powers above any judicial review until the ratification of a new constitution.
At the time, Mr. Morsi said
he needed such unchecked power to protect against the threat that
Mubarak-appointed judges might dissolve the constitutional assembly. He also
tried to give the assembly a two-month extension on its year-end deadline to
forge consensus between the Islamist majority and the secular faction —
something liberals have sought. But his claim to such power for even a limited
period struck those suspicious of the Islamists as a return to autocracy, and
his authoritarian decree triggered an immediate backlash.
Hundreds of thousands of
protesters accusing Mr. Morsi and his Islamist allies of monopolizing power
have poured into the streets. Demonstrators have attacked more than two dozen
Brotherhood offices around the country, including its headquarters. And judges
declared a national strike.
In response, Mr. Morsi’s
Islamist allies in the assembly stayed up all night to rush out a draft
constitution over the boycotts and objections of the secular minority and the
Coptic Christian church. Then, worried that the Interior Ministry might fail to
protect the presidential palace from sometimes-violent demonstrations outside,
Mr. Morsi turned to the Muslim Brotherhood and other Islamist groups to defend
it, resulting in a night of street fighting that killed at least six and
wounded hundreds in the worst clashes between political factions since Gamal
Abdel Nasser’s coup six decades ago.
International experts who
monitored the constituent assembly’s work say that before the crisis, the
Islamists and their secular foes had appeared close to resolving their
differences and uniting around a document that both sides could accept. Even
the draft charter, ultimately rushed out almost exclusively with Islamist
support, stops short of the liberals’ worst fears about the imposition of
religious rule. But it leaves loopholes and ambiguities that liberals fear an
Islamist majority could later use to empower religious groups or restrict
individual freedoms, which the secular opposition has repeatedly compared to
the theocracy established by the Iranian revolution of 1979.
Their denunciations, in
turn, have reminded Islamist leaders of the Algerian military coup staged in
the early 1990s to abort elections after Islamists won, and Mr. Morsi’s
political allies have repeatedly accused their secular opponents of seeking to
undermine democracy in order to thwart the will of the Islamist majority.
Against the backdrop of the
mounting distrust, Mr. Morsi’s advisers say he has tried to offer a series of
compromises. He has sought to redefine his initial decree so it fits within
judicial precedents instead of stepping over the courts. He has said that the
decree would be canceled after the referendum next weekend, even if the
constitution is rejected. And on Friday night, government officials opened the
door to a delay in the referendum so that the constituent assembly can make
further amendments, if secular opponents would agree to the terms.
But Mr. Morsi’s Islamist
allies say that they have also lost hope that any concession would satisfy the
secular opposition and are convinced the opposition’s true goal is to bring
down the president — the main chant of the protesters who have surrounded the
presidential palace for the last four nights. Mr. Morsi’s secular opponents say
they do not trust the president or the Brotherhood to deal in good faith. They
are insisting that he agree to revamp the constitutional drafting process
before they sit down for any talks.
In a speech two days ago,
Mr. Morsi had invited secular opposition leaders to meet with him Saturday to
try to work out a compromise. But the principal leaders declined the
invitation. Without them, he met with a group again dominated by fellow
Islamists, including some less-conservative Islamists outside the Brotherhood’s
party, according to a list reported on state media. Only one secular
politician, the former presidential candidate Ayman Nour, attended.
The continuing unrest in the
streets and attacks on Brotherhood offices had begun to raise the possibility
that violence might mar next Saturday’s scheduled vote on the referendum. While
a deployment of the military could allay those concerns, it might also lead to
new questions about the legitimacy of the process if the charter is indeed
approved, complicating longer-term hopes of restoring civility and trust.