November 6, 2011

AMERICAN WAY: A FUNNY THING HAPPENED ON THE WAY TO THE HERMAN CAIN LYNCHING

[Yet despite the maelstrom, Cain’s accusers remain anonymous and the details of the allegations oddly vague. With many conservatives believing that sexual harassment lawsuits are an industry and that frivolous cases are often settled to avoid more expensive litigation, there was a growing sense that Cain was being treated unfairly.]


Herman Cain’s terrible, horrible, no good, very bad week ended on a discordantly high note. Addressing a packed ballroom in Washington’s Convention Centre, the former pizza mogul prompted whoops and cheers when he referred obliquely to the sexual harassment storm that had at times threatened to sweep away his White House candidacy.

“You know, I've been in Washington all week, and I've attracted a little bit of attention,” he boomed. “And there was an article in The New York Times today that has attempted to attract some more attention. You know, that's kind of what happens when you start to show up near or at the top of the polls. It just happens that way.”




The article in question was one of the few that had not been about allegations that Cain, the unlikely Republican front runner in national polls, had behaved inappropriately with women while he was president of the National Restaurant Association.

Instead, the article sought to bracket Cain with the Koch brothers, the billionaire bogeymen for liberals who founded the Americans for Prosperity group and pump money into conservative and liberal causes. Rather than seek to wriggle out of the association, Cain embraced it, declaring, as the room erupted: “I am the Koch brothers' brother from another mother.”

The address by the former motivational speaker, at the Americans for Prosperity annual conference, was vintage Cain – strong on rhetoric, short on policy detail, powerfully delivered and unashamedly politically incorrect.

Hours earlier, an ABC/Washington Post poll had found that Cain’s national popularity had improved during a week that, by any conventional standards, had been disastrous.

Mitt Romney, the best-funded, most-disciplined and most experienced candidate, was stuck on 25 percent while Cain was up six points from a month at 23 percent and breathing down his neck. As every student of American politics knows, national polls matter little in a primary race. But the surveys in early-voting states like Iowa and South Carolina are also indicating that Cain has not been damaged.

There’s no way this should be happening. The 65-year-old grandfather’s response to the sexual harassment claims that have emerged out of the woodwork after a dozen years has been miserable. At least two cases were settled for a total of $80,000 after allegations were made against him.

Rather than being prepared for the inevitable disclosure of the cases, he was caught flat-footed, claiming at first not to remember what had happened and then dribbling out details and shifting explanations over the ensuing days. He fuelled more controversy by blaming Governor Rick Perry’s campaign for planting the story, lost his temper with the press and was barely able to talk about the US economy until his speech on Friday.

By any normal rules of politics, Cain should be toast. So what’s going on?

Simply put, the media and Cain’s detractors have over-played their hand. By Friday night, Politico, which broke the original story, had published 94 articles on the allegations in under six days. Every other major publication had followed suit. Every time he stepped out of a room, Cain was mobbed by reporters.

Yet despite the maelstrom, Cain’s accusers remain anonymous and the details of the allegations oddly vague. With many conservatives believing that sexual harassment lawsuits are an industry and that frivolous cases are often settled to avoid more expensive litigation, there was a growing sense that Cain was being treated unfairly.

Cain’s very amateurishness became almost endearing. Rather than mouthing slick talking points, Cain got angry with the journalists (a profession loathed by most Republican activists) and claimed that he was the victim of a “high-tech lynching”.

That was the phrase used by Clarence Thomas during the ugly confirmation hearings for his seat on the Supreme Court in 1991. Thomas had been accused by Anita Hill, a former subordinate, of making crude sexual comments.

Vilified and mocked by the Left, Thomas’s righteous anger boiled over as he condemned the hearings as “a circus” and “a national disgrace” in which “uppity blacks who in any way deign to think for themselves” would be destroyed. “You will be lynched, destroyed, caricatured by a committee of the US Senate rather than hung from a tree.”

Cain, of course, is also a black conservative. As such, he sends many on the Left crazy because he defies the standard categories of politics. White conservatives are eager to support conservatives of colour partly to combat allegations of racism but also because they appreciate the courage it takes for blacks to break out of the Democratic party straitjacket.
Despite his anti-politician message and his campaign gaffes (he did not know China had nuclear weapons, had not heard of the Palestinian right of return and suggested he would free Guantanamo Bay prisoners if terrorist hostage-takers demanded it, to name but three) Cain is a shrewd operator.

While decrying race-based politics, Cain has been happy to compare himself to Haagen Dazs black walnut ice cream, joke that he’s a “dark horse” or quip that his Secret Service codename should be “Cornbread”  . By Friday, a Cain Super PAC had cut a television ad entitled: “High-tech lynching”.

Just as Barack Obama’s race was a key part of his appeal in 2008, Cain is a more attractive candidate for Republicans because he is black. Obama’s supporters responded with fury and lobbed accusations of racism when their candidate came under legitimate attack from the Clintons. Cain backers have been similarly vehement.

Sexual allegations against a black man are rightly treated with great suspicion by many Americans because they play on the kind of fears and taboos examined in Harper Lee’s To Kill a Mocking Bird. With the case against him thin and the accusation so incendiary, Cain’s predicament is prompting more sympathy than opprobrium.

Those who leaked the details of the 1990s sexual harassment cases might have thought that they’d destroy Herman Cain and leave his campaign dangling from a tree. But, as befits this strange and unpredictable election campaign, a funny thing happened on the way to the lynching.



@ The Telegraph

PAKISTAN INDICTS 7 IN BHUTTO ASSASSINATION

[The circumstances of her death — including the cleansing of the crime scene, the police refusal of an autopsy request, and conflicting reports of the number of attackers and cause of death — have generated confusion about the case and raised questions about the possible involvement of the military government, then led by Gen. Pervez Musharraf, Ms. Bhutto’s rival.]

By Waqar Gillani
Aamir Qureshi/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images
Benazir Bhutto at a rally shortly before she was assassinated 
in December 2007.
LAHORE, Pakistan — A Pakistani antiterrorism court indicted five militants and two police officers Saturday in the assassination of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto, prosecutors said.
Ms. Bhutto was killed after an election rally in 2007 in an attack by at least one gunman and a suicide bomber, both of whom were believed to have been killed in the assault.
The seven people indicted on Saturday, who include the former police chief of Rawalpindi, where the assassination took place, were charged with being part of a conspiracy.
In a closed-door hearing at a high-security prison in Rawalpindi, Justice Shahid Rafique charged all seven men with criminal conspiracy and murder, according to Chaudhry Azhar, a special public prosecutor in the case.
The five militants, who are believed to be members of the Pakistani Taliban, were arrested four years ago and remain in jail, Mr. Azhar said. Two of them have admitted to helping in the suicide bombing, he said.
The five men were identified as Sher Zaman, Hasnain Gul, Rafaqat Hussain, Abdul Rasheed and Aitzaz Shah. All are from the troubled northwestern region of the country.
The two police officers charged were Saud Aziz, who was the Rawalpindi police chief at the time of the killing, and Khurram Shahzad, another senior officer.
Mr. Azhar said they had been charged with failure to perform their duties by ordering the crime scene hosed down two hours after the attack, by removing evidence and by reducing Ms. Bhutto’s security detail several days before the attack. The two officers were free on bail.
All seven suspects denied the charges on Saturday.
The killing of Ms. Bhutto on Dec. 27, 2007, as she stood in the sunroof of a car waving to crowds two weeks before parliamentary elections, threw Pakistani politics into turmoil. Twice elected prime minister, she was the leader of Pakistan’s largest political party and vying for a third term after having returned from eight years in exile.
Her husband, Asif Ali Zardari, was later elected president, and her party, the Pakistan Peoples Party, leads the coalition government.
The circumstances of her death — including the cleansing of the crime scene, the police refusal of an autopsy request, and conflicting reports of the number of attackers and cause of death — have generated confusion about the case and raised questions about the possible involvement of the military government, then led by Gen. Pervez Musharraf, Ms. Bhutto’s rival.
A United Nations investigation reported last year that the failure of Pakistani authorities to effectively investigate the killing was “deliberate” and that the investigation had been “severely hampered” by the country’s powerful intelligence agencies.
The report singled out Mr. Aziz, the police chief, for ordering the washing of the scene and impeding the investigation. But it also said that Mr. Aziz gave the order after receiving a call from army headquarters, possibly involving Maj. Gen. Nadeem Ijaz Ahmad, then director general of military intelligence.
The government had blamed Baitullah Mehsud, the leader of the Pakistani Taliban, for masterminding the attack. Mr. Mehsud was killed by a C.I.A. drone strike in 2009.
Mr. Musharraf, who fled the country in 2008 under threat of impeachment, has also been charged in the case. A Pakistani court issued an arrest warrant for him in February, accusing him of failing to provide Ms. Bhutto with adequate security.
Mr. Musharraf has been living in exile in London and has failed to respond to subpoenas.
Meanwhile, the legal case against the suspects in custody has been delayed by procedural moves on both sides, although four years is not a particularly long time for an indictment in a murder case in Pakistan.
“Whether the case is high profile or low profile, the court has to adopt the legal procedure to ensure justice and fairness,” said Syed Zahid Hussain Bukhari, a former judge and prosecutor in Punjab Province.
The indictment starts the trial phase of the prosecution. The court instructed the accused to present witnesses at the next hearing, on Nov. 19.

@ The New York Times