[The people contacted by or in the presence of a Washington Post reporter were at various stages of peril. Some were in a Rohingya village under siege, where anyone who tries to sneak out is reportedly gunned down. People there are beginning to starve. Others were among thousands stranded on a beach in the village of Alel Than Kyaw, corralled by the Burmese military while waiting for boats to take them to Bangladesh.]
By Max Bearak
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Sayid Alam and his
childhood friend Mohammad Shafi, both 19, stand in one
of the three spots in the Kutupalong refugee
camp where Burmese
cell service is
available. (Max Bearak/The Washington Post)
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KUTUPALONG
REFUGEE CAMP, Bangladesh —
Aung San Suu Kyi, Burma’s de facto leader, recently claimed that an
unprecedented exodus of half a million Rohingya Muslims from her country in
just five weeks “has quieted down” and that people are “carrying on as normal.”
The Burmese government has locked down
troubled Rakhine state, blocking independent access to media and aid
organizations. But there is another, albeit less precise, way to assess the
ground reality for Rohingya in Burma: calling them on their cellphones.
Testimony gathered last week from more than a
dozen such conversations suggests that Burma’s leaders are either misinformed
about events in Rakhine or intentionally misrepresenting them.
Since Rohingya militants attacked Burmese
police posts on Aug. 25, the Burmese military has swept through northern
Rakhine in “cleansing operations” it says are aimed at eliminating terrorists.
The United Nations has called it a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing.”
Rohingya have fled that scorched-earth campaign at a rate not seen since the
Rwandan genocide in 1994, although the flow has slowed over the past two weeks.
Now more Rohingya live in severely overburdened camps in Bangladesh than they
do in Burma.
The people contacted by or in the presence of
a Washington Post reporter were at various stages of peril. Some were in a
Rohingya village under siege, where anyone who tries to sneak out is reportedly
gunned down. People there are beginning to starve. Others were among thousands
stranded on a beach in the village of Alel Than Kyaw, corralled by the Burmese
military while waiting for boats to take them to Bangladesh.
The Post cannot independently verify these
claims because of the lockdown in Rakhine state. But the accounts, which are in
line with interviews done by human rights organizations as well as satellite
imagery, indicate that the Rohingya exodus is far from over.
Only three tiny spots in this sprawling
expanse of tents in Bangladesh offer access to a few bars of Burmese cell
service. Rohingya refugees who’ve been at the camps for decades — since earlier
waves of violence — have shown the new arrivals exactly where to stand to make
calls. Streams of people gather there, clutching scratched-up phones, sometimes
laughing, often crying.
The calls are laden with anxiety. Each holds
the possibility of heartbreak.
When a call to Shazia Alam finally went
through on Thursday, the sound of babies wailing reverberated as she said hello
through a speakerphone. She was with about 400 people from her village, on a
steep hillside near the Burmese coast, with a rain-swollen river in the valley
below. The chance of catching a boat from Alel Than Kyaw to Bangladesh was just
a half-day’s walk ahead, but they’d heard the military was there. After all
they had seen, they were avoiding uniformed men at all costs.
Their village in Rathedaung township, Tar
Zaw, was torched three weeks ago, she said, and its residents had sought shelter
in other Rohingya villages not yet “visited” by the military. But the soldiers
and their accompanying mobs of local Buddhists were never far behind. Last
Tuesday, in their third village, elders made the decision to leave Burma for
good. They’d all been walking since then. And now they were stuck.
“The only food we have is uncooked rice, and
we can’t boil it because we have no roof to be under, no dry wood. No one has
eaten since yesterday. It has been raining so, so hard,” she said. She began to
sob. “There are snakes everywhere here.”
“We have no money at all to pay a boatman
even if we do survive this,” she said. “Please help us.”
Her 19-year-old son, Sayid, listened
helplessly to her voice. He had fled to Bangladesh three years ago after being
beaten by Burmese military officers. He’d missed his mother before but said the
past two weeks had been excruciating as he struggled to find the means to call
her as often as possible. Spending the dollar it costs to buy the smallest
package of minutes for his cellphone might mean skipping meals.
“Sometimes there is no signal,” he said.
“Other times, it’s hard to find Burmese top-up cards. But most of the time,
there’s just no money.”
Although the flow of Rohingya started to slow
about two weeks ago, recent satellite imagery shows a mass of people camping at
Alel Than Kyaw, probably numbering in the thousands. Most are from Buthidaung
and Rathedaung townships. The first month’s influx came mostly from Maungdaw
township, where
Reuters reporters found all but one Rohingya
village reduced to smoldering ash in early September.
On Thursday night, more than 60 people
drowned when an overloaded boat from Alel Than Kyaw capsized just minutes from
reaching the Bangladeshi coast. Most of the dead were women and children.
“The soldiers told us that if we try to leave
Burma, they will shoot us,” said Dilpurukh, an elderly woman who made the
crossing the night before the capsizing. Like many Rohingya, she goes by one
name. “We only slipped away when the officers started to drink their alcohol
after dark. There is one place by the water where you can get Bangladesh mobile
network and we called a boatman and begged him to come.
That the Burmese military is trying to turn
back Bangladesh-bound Rohingya is a new dynamic. Since the exodus began on Aug.
25, Burma’s goal had appeared to be the expulsion of the Rohingya, whom it
considers illegal interlopers from Bangladesh.
Both Matt Wells, senior crisis adviser at
Amnesty International, and Chris Lewa, director of the Arakan Project, said
they had heard reports of Rohingya being forcibly prevented from fleeing.
Burmese state media has touted the decision, saying authorities have promised
to provide food and transportation to villages. Whether Rohingya would be safe
turning back, and whether their villages even exist anymore, are big unknowns.
“Internally displaced Bengalis, they can
return home and the government will provide their needs to build and
reconstruct their homes,” said Zaw Htay, a spokesman for Suu Kyi’s office,
using the government’s preferred term for the Rohingya. “The government will
provide food and other necessary aid.”
Cooped up in the Burmese township of
Buthidaung, a Rohingya religious scholar scoffed at the idea that the government
had suddenly become compassionate. Rather, he said, it has realized that
Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh are exposing atrocities in Rakhine and
tarnishing Burma’s image. He spoke on the condition of anonymity because he
interacts with Burmese military officers regularly and did not want to
jeopardize his safety.
“In the city, the military comes around on
patrol. They say, ‘The ones who’ve fled are bad people who just want to make a
bad name for Burma,’ ” he said. “They say, ‘You stay, you are the good ones.’
But then they interrogate us about Rohingya militants. We’ve heard of a
Rohingya army, but I’ve never seen them with my own eyes. No, not even in my
dreams have I seen them, I swear to God.”
As dire as others’ circumstances were, they
seemed enviable to Mohammad Arif, speaking by phone from the Rohingya village
of Sin Gyi Pyin, in central Rakhine’s Minbya township, far from the epicenter
of the crisis in the north. Lewa, of the Arakan Project, said that the
situation in central Rakhine had been tense since August, too, and that outside
organizations had little to no access. The Post spoke with two others from Sin
Gyi Pyin who repeated Arif’s claims.
“There are some very wealthy families in our
village and together they put together enough money to bribe the military so
that they wouldn’t burn our village. But now it is the Buddhist people from the
nearby villages who have us surrounded. If anyone gets caught leaving, they are
killed immediately,” said Arif, listing the names and approximate ages of 13
men and one woman who he said had met that fate. “The ones who are risking it
are the poorest people, who are starting to starve. My family’s stock of food
is getting low, so we’ve had to stop sharing with the poor. Ten of us are
eating a serving of rice that used to feed one person.”
The line went near-silent for almost a minute
as Arif wept.
“Do you understand? We’re surrounded from all
four sides. We would have to sneak out and stay hidden for days to escape. Last
year, when there was violence, the military would take bribes from us and buy
us food from the market. But this year it is different,” he said. “Our only
hope is that they will take pity. Otherwise, this is how we die.”
Joe Freeman in Rangoon contributed to this
report.
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