[Establishing a stable constitution-writing body will not be easy. There are more than 100 parties competing for the 240 directly elected seats in the assembly. They represent not only ideologies ranging from communism to Hindu nationalism but also dozens of ethnic groups and castes, many of whom were marginalized during the centuries of rule by kings. Since abolishing the monarchy in 2008, this country of 27 million has struggled to figure out how to create a government structure that would incorporate the diverse population.]
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“They led a revolution to fight for the peasants, so I
thought they would really uplift our lives,” said Dhital, 24, who sells roasted
peanuts from a cart at a busy intersection in Kathmandu .
“But when they came to power, they were just like everyone else. Why should I
vote for them again?”
Although Maoists held the most seats inNepal’s last Constituent Assembly elections in 2008, they
lacked a majority and were unable to cobble together a governing coalition or
reach an agreement on a new constitution. Since then, the government has
changed several times, resulting in bitter divisions among political groups and
bringing the economy to a grinding halt at times. Last year, the government
could not pass a fiscal budget for nine months, squeezing capital expenditures and weakening
growth.
Establishing a stable constitution-writing body will not be
easy. There are more than 100 parties competing for the 240 directly elected
seats in the assembly. They represent not only ideologies ranging from
communism to Hindu nationalism but also dozens of ethnic groups and castes,
many of whom were marginalized during the centuries of rule by kings. Since
abolishing the monarchy in 2008, this country of 27 million has struggled to
figure out how to create a government structure that would incorporate the
diverse population.
“People don’t have access to a government right now,” said
C.K. Lal, a political analyst in Kathmandu . “The election would allow a chance to form a properly
constituted government.”
Seeking a clear majority
As they did in the last election, the Maoists have cast
themselves as the party of the poor and insist they can fix the country if they
win a clear majority.
In an interview at his residence, Maoist leader Pushpa
Kamal Dahal, who goes by the nom de guerre Prachanda, said his party fought
hard for the little political change that has taken place in the country, and
that is why it should win a clear margin this time.
“When we have majority, it will be easy for us to have
strong government and meet the needs of the masses.” he said, “And that would
create a conducive atmosphere to draft a new constitution.”
But Prachanda’s opponents say Maoists had their chance.
“They could neither save the Constituent Assembly nor their
own party,” Gagan Thapa, a charismatic young leader from the rival Nepali
Congress Party, said at a rally Friday. Thapa, who is running against a Maoist
candidate from a constituency in Kathmandu , was referring to the dissolution of the parliament last
year by a Maoist-led government after the Constituent Assembly failed for the
fourth time to draft the constitution on deadline.
A few months later, the Maoists split, with the new faction
led by hard-line communist leader Mohan Baidhya, who said the Maoists were
becoming too mainstream.
Prachanda is quick to defend his
party. “Those who are led by Baidhya faction are very dogmatic, mechanical and
extremist in their understanding,” he said. “They do not want to understand the
process of transition that this country is undergoing.”
But some voters say they are turned off by that kind of
language.
“The Maoists are defining everything in their own terms,”
said Gyanendra Acharya, 22, a mechanical engineering student, adding that no
candidate has impressed him. “They think those who support them are patriotic
Nepalis and those who don’t support them are traitors.”
Kumar Paudel, 23, said that if the country had an option of
“none of the above” on the ballot, he would choose that.
“We are in a state of confusion,” said Paudel, who comes
from a remote village in Sindhupalchok, about 60 miles from Kathmandu .
“The Maoists promised a lot of profound changes, none of which have happened.”
Fears of violence
In addition to voter apathy, the threat of violence might
also keep turnout low. On Thursday, security officials found two
pressure-cooker bombs and pipe bombs in the middle of the street in the eastern
city of Dharan .
Last week, local newspapers reported that a group
affiliated with the hard-line communist faction — which is boycotting the
elections — threw molotov cocktails at taxis and buses, injuring dozens.
An alliance of 33 political parties, led by Baidhya’s
Maoist faction have called for a nine-day
strike throughout the
country, seeking to stop the elections. The opposition alliance has demanded
that the current government should be disbanded immediately and a new
government — with representation from all the political parties — should be
formed to hold elections at a later date.
Although the government has already dispatched about
two-third of its army to provide security at the polls throughout the country,
there are concerns that people will stay home on election day. Only 12.5
million of the approximately 16 million eligible voters have registered for the
polls, according to U.S.-based Carter Center, one of 56
organizations registered to observe the election.
Highlighting the differences between the mainstream parties
and his independent campaign, 36-year-old Ujwal Thapa said he is running to
change his neighborhood and does not make big promises to voters.
“Not being able to fulfill their promises has given
politicians a bad name,” said Thapa, who graduated from Bennington College in
Vermont and has picked for his election symbol a dog, a term associated by many
Nepalis with incapable politicians.
“We want to change the perception,” he said. “We want
people to think our leaders should be like dogs — but loyal like dogs, honest
like dogs and protector like dogs.”
Pradeep Bashyal
contributed to this report, which was supported by a grant from the Pulitzer Center
