November 7, 2013

IN FRACTURED NEPAL, PLANS FOR NATIONAL ELECTIONS PROVIDE A SERIES OF SUBPLOTS

[After decades of political upheaval and paralysis, Nepal is scheduled to hold national elections on Nov. 19. Yet, with more than a dozen political parties — including an important Maoist group — boycotting the vote, there is some doubt that they will occur, but top officials say the country has no choice.]
By 
Credit: Shiho Fukada for The New York Time
Hisila Yami, candidate of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) and the wife of a 
former Nepali prime minister, Baburam Bhattarai, talked to voters during her door-to-door 
campaign.

KATMANDU, Nepal  Nepal’s former first lady insisted that she was not a crook.
“If you read the newspapers, you’d think I was the most corrupt woman in Nepal,” said Hisila Yami, a Maoist leader and the wife of a former prime minister, Baburam Bhattarai.
Now that the Maoists have given up bank robbery, kidnapping and extortion, money is harder to come by, she acknowledged as she peeled off bills from a huge wad in her purse to give to campaign workers.
“People gave us money earlier out of fear, but they don’t do that now,” she said with a shrug. “We have to be appealing now. We have to be nice. We can’t afford to antagonize people now.”
So Ms. Yami was squinting at shadows recently as she held campaign gatherings in living rooms darkened by routine power failures. She insisted to those gathered about her feet that all the stories of hidden wealth and secret efforts to undermine her husband when he was in office were just vicious rumors.
“People think I had a lot of money, cars and homes, but that is not true,” she said, exuding an energetic charisma that lit up the room like a flashlight. “When my husband was prime minister, I tried to help him. But people think I tried to overtake him.”
After decades of political upheaval and paralysis, Nepal is scheduled to hold national elections on Nov. 19. Yet, with more than a dozen political parties — including an important Maoist group — boycotting the vote, there is some doubt that they will occur, but top officials say the country has no choice.
“There is no Plan B,” said Madhab Paudel, Nepal’s minister of information and communication. “We have no option except conducting the election.”
There is a growing consensus here that the only way to arrest the country’s disastrous economic spiral is through elections. More than 120 political parties have registered to compete, and hope — long in as short supply as oxygen on nearby Mount Everest — is flourishing. Some of the most colorful candidates in the world are now crisscrossing this mountainous nation.
Nepal, ruled for centuries by monarchs, has 125 ethnic groups, 127 spoken languages, scores of castes and three distinct ecosystems that have long divided its 27 million people into a blinding array of feuding communities, making political consensus difficult.
A 10-year civil war between the Maoists and the government ended in 2006, but the resulting Constituent Assembly spent four years trying to write a constitution without success, leading to political paralysis. This month’s election is intended to create a second Constituent Assembly to finish the constitution.
The election’s most intriguing subplot is among the Maoists, who divided last year over whether war is still an acceptable political strategy. The hard-line faction, widely referred to as Dashist because of a dash in its name (Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist), is boycotting the elections and has called for a 10-day strike beginning Nov. 11.
“Our intention is to prevent people from participating in the election,” said Pampha Bhusal, a Dashist politburo member.
Just how far Ms. Bhusal’s group will go to prevent voting is the season’s great mystery. Ms. Bhusal insisted that her party will not resort to violence again, but instead will seek to “convince” people not to vote.
“Everybody’s one concern is security, which is unpredictable,” said Ila Sharma, a commissioner on Nepal’s Election Commission. One candidate has already been killed.
And then there is Ms. Yami’s party, the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), whose nickname is the Cashist party because of the vast sums of money, cars, houses and property its leaders are rumored to have stolen during the country’s 10-year insurgency. Like rich Communists elsewhere, Cashists have become deeply attached to capitalism. “Even in China, capitalism is thriving in its own way,” Ms. Yami said.
While Nepal’s main parties disagree fiercely over many things, Ms. Yami said, the embrace of democracy is now widely shared. “Usually the hard-core Communists don’t go for things like bourgeois elections,” she said with a laugh. “We were just in the jungle four or five years ago, and now we’re sounding more democratic than the democrats.”
But the tentative nature of Nepal’s democracy means that bribery and extortion, common tools during the insurgency, have not disappeared. In interviews, businessmen in Nepal said they routinely received letters demanding money from political parties, some of which still maintain private armies. If they refuse to pay — required donations range from $1,000 to $5,000, depending on the size of the business — they are told they will suffer serious vandalism or violence, they said.
“The consequence is as simple as it is dramatic,” said one top Nepali businessman who asked to remain anonymous for fear of spurring further violence. “They will disrupt your business, damage your property and perhaps do violence to you and your employees. They’re fairly open about it when they need to be.”
Neel Kantha Uprety, the country’s chief election commissioner, said that vote buying was widely accepted in Nepal, and that eliminating the practice would take time and education. “We do not have a culture of democracy,” Mr. Uprety said.
The principal disagreements among the parties are whether to adopt the American, French or British governance models and how to split the country into states.
The Cashists want an executive presidency similar to that in the United States, although none would admit to copying the United States since, well, they are Maoists. The Marxist-Leninists want a French system with shared power between a president and prime minister, but they, too, denied any hint of foreign influence.
“We don’t call it a French model,” said Pramesh Hamal, a leader of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist Leninist). “But you can explain it yourself as near to the French model.”
Whether the parties will reconcile these divergent visions in the next Constituent Assembly after failing to do so in the last is anybody’s guess. In multiple interviews, Nepalis expressed a mixture of hope and despair about their future.
“It’s all a mess,” Sajan Shakya, 22, said as he sat with a friend near one of Nepal’s ancient Hindu temples.
But Gopal Tamkakar, a 58-year-old merchant, said he was optimistic. “Things will be calmer once they draft a constitution,” he said. “You have to have hope.”
A struggle for influence between India and China is another of the election’s subtexts. The Maoists, who had the most seats in the previous assembly, favor China. The Nepali Congress party favors India. In a wide-ranging interview, Ms. Bhusal of the Dashists repeatedly denounced India’s influence over the coming elections.
“Every decision now is being made by an international power,” she said with some fervor. Which power? “India! They are all acting on behalf of India!”
Nepal has enormous potential as a source of hydroelectric power, something both India and China covet. But the country has been in disarray for so long that diplomats in Katmandu rolled their eyes at the oft-expressed fear that some foreign power is itching to take Nepal over.
Nonetheless, India plays a dominant role. Bollywood movies are wildly popular, tens of millions of ethnic Nepalis live in India and the country depends entirely on India for fuel and other necessities. But Nepal’s time zone is 15 minutes ahead of India’s, a telling indicator of the country’s fierce attachment to its own independence.
International aid organizations have poured into Nepal in recent months, hoping this election may finally serve as a national turning point. On any given day, the traffic circle in front of the Nepal Election Commission is clogged with giant S.U.V.s sporting the emblems of many national aid agencies — including China’s.
Many of these organizations have helped resolve significant technical challenges. Quickly retrieving ballot boxes from the highest elevations in the world will be no small feat. And since half of Nepalis are illiterate, paper ballots have become poster-sized collections of symbols: rabbit, butterfly, flashlight and soccer ball, among more than 100 others.
The Chinese have not provided technical assistance, “since their own experience with elections is limited,” Mr. Uprety said with only the barest smile. “But we are getting their best wishes along with their logistical support.”