[He has made few public references to the Taliban, except to call them “brothers” and suggest they share a common cause in wanting to rid Afghanistan of foreign troops. So far, though, the insurgents have ignored his return after denouncing him last fall as a traitor for making a peace deal with Ghani.]
By Pamela Constable
 |
|
Gulbuddin Hekmatyar
addresses a special ceremony at the
presidential palace in Kabul on May 4.
(Shah Marai/AFP/
Getty Images)
|
Kabul — When fugitive warlord Gulbuddin Hekmatyar
returned home to a lavish official welcome last month, abandoning his 16-year
insurgency and forgiven for a history of wartime abuses, he was expected to
quickly take up the cause of peace and set a conciliatory example for Taliban
insurgents.
Instead, the fiery Islamist leader has landed
like a bombshell in the roiling world of Afghan politics, publicly insulting
President Ashraf Ghani, reneging on a pledge to disarm several thousand loyal
fighters, and leaving the stunned capital wondering if inviting him back was a
huge mistake.
At 69, Hekmatyar cuts an avuncular and
scholarly figure, but his name still strikes fear and horror here. Once an
anti-Soviet militia hero, he became notorious during later civil conflicts for
his cruelty to captives and for shelling Kabul neighborhoods to ruins. He was
only allowed to return to Afghanistan after U.N. anti-terror sanctions against
him were lifted.
Yet since his return, he has made no mention of
the past, let alone offer an apology. His speeches have bristled with defiance.
One of them drew a cheering, overflow crowd of supporters to a rally in the
national sports stadium, punctuated by nostalgic war whoops.
He has made few public references to the
Taliban, except to call them “brothers” and suggest they share a common cause
in wanting to rid Afghanistan of foreign troops. So far, though, the insurgents
have ignored his return after denouncing him last fall as a traitor for making
a peace deal with Ghani.
After his provocative public debut, Hekmatyar
vanished into a flurry of private meetings in an elegantly refurbished
compound, welcoming supporters, militia commanders, political rivals and tribal
leaders from his ethnic Pashtun group. The sprawling facility, provided at
government expense, is guarded by Hekmatyar’s security forces and its high
walls are covered with enormous posters of him.
The most optimistic interpretation of
Hekmatyar’s behavior is that he is reestablishing his tough, anti-Western
credentials to impress the Taliban, who have been steadily gaining ground on
the battlefield and have shown no appetite to restart peace talks. He has said
he seeks to build bridges across Afghan society and use his influence to end
the conflict.
To some observers, though, it looks as if the
canny strongman is using the peace deal as a vehicle for his long-thwarted
political ambitions. They fear that instead of collaborating with the
government that offered him amnesty and full entree into public life, he
intends to forge an array of opponents — especially fellow Pashtuns who feel
left out of power — to challenge the struggling government and possibly force
Ghani from office.
“I fear what will happen in the next few
months,” said Isaak Gailani, a politician who has met with Hekmatyar several
times since he returned April 28. “There is talk of creating an alliance
against the government, against the United States, against democracy. Ghani has
made a lot of mistakes, but if Hekmatyar gathers all the partners who hate him
and they ally against the government, it would be very costly for the future of
Afghanistan.”
So far, few Afghans have spoken out against
Hekmatyar’s return, but there is a growing sense that the honeymoon is already
over. Government officials have been silent, though several privately expressed
shock and anger at his comments. Hekmatyar has issued no recent statements, and
aides who were accessible during the run-up to his arrival have become
unreachable.
[U.S. defense chief arrives in Kabul as his
Afghan counterpart resigns in disgrace]
For now, most observers here are holding their
breath, hoping that the aging warlord — who has spent the past 30 years fighting
Soviet forces, rival Afghan militias and a series of Western-backed civilian
governments — will adapt to the norms of democratic politics in a rapidly
modernizing society.
Friends and advisers, including moderate
members of his Hizb-e-Islami party who remained in Kabul while Hekmatyar was in
hiding abroad, have pressed him to be more diplomatic. In the past week, he has
paid homage at the tombs of respected anti-Soviet leaders who were once his
bitter adversaries and received others for tea at his compound.
But critics suspect that Hekmatyar is unlikely
to change his stripes, disarm his men or retract his harsh criticisms. He has
denounced Ghani’s government as the “illegitimate” creation of U.S. officials,
attacked the press and complained that ethnic minority Shiites have been given
too many rights — an appeal to Pashtun Sunni ambitions that risks arousing
sectarian conflict.
“We welcomed the peace deal, but instead of
surrendering to the government, Mr. Hekmatyar is acting as if the government
has surrendered to him,” said Mohammed Atta Noor, a provincial governor from
the rival Jamiat-i-Islami party. “We should give him a little time. If he wakes
up and accepts democratic principles, everyone will welcome it, but if he
sticks to this provocative behavior, it will not be good for Afghanistan’s
future.”
At this point, it is not even clear whether the
divisive hard-line figure can reunite his own splintered party, let alone act
as a catalyst for peace. Members of the main nonviolent Hizb faction, which
built a strong presence in politics and government while Hekmatyar was an
international fugitive, worry he will not adjust to the new, democratic brand
of politics in the country he fled 21 years ago.
Abdul Hadi Argandiwal, a moderate Hizb leader,
said he is optimistic that Hekmatyar’s welcome into public life will eventually
persuade the Taliban insurgents to come to the negotiating table, but he also
said the unrepentant warrior needs to transform himself first.
“Afghan society has changed in many ways over
the past 20 years. Nobody wants more war or destruction. We are part of that
society, and we have added value to it. But he has come from war, and he has to
change,” Argandiwal said. Noting that Hekmatyar had agreed to visit the tombs
of former rival leaders, he said, “I hope it means he will be a new Hekmatyar.”
Others observers, however, worry that his
unrepentant stance will have the opposite effect on the Taliban, who will view
him as an armed rival rather than a model for reconciliation. They fear he will
use his new freedom to make a last bid for power — either at the polls or by other
means — presenting a muscular, sternly religious alternative to the nerdy,
Westernized Ghani.
Since his return, thousands of posters of
Hekmatyar have flooded the capital and wealthy Pashtun politicians have
reportedly offered him more men, weapons and cash. Supporters say his ruthless
behavior in the civil war was no more excessive than any other militia bosses,
but critics say he does not deserve a role in Afghanistan’s future unless he
renounces his past.
“The truly brave thing for him to do would be
to apologize to the Afghan people,” said Sima Samar, head of the Afghan
Independent Human Rights Commission. “If he is strong enough to do that, it
will heal a lot of wounds and distance people from revenge. It may even help
bring peace.”
Read more:
