[Since the arrest, the B.J.P.,
with its strong Hindu nationalist roots, has gone on the offensive, casting
itself as the defender of Indian patriotism. It has organized a countrywide
campaign against the protesters, holding marches and rallies to defend “Mother
India.” At one, in West Delhi, B.J.P. workers shouted, “The traitors of the nation, we will
shoot them.”]
By Nida Najar and Swati Gupta
The police in New Delhi clashed last week with university
students protesting the
detention of one of their leaders on sedition
charges.
Credit Bernat Armangue/Associated Press
NEW DELHI — Over the years, the
thousand-acre campus of JawaharlalNehruUniversity has seen too many protests by
its leftist student body to count, most of them petering out without incident.
But one staged this month seems to have struck a raw nerve.
In all likelihood, the protest
would have passed like the others, except that on this occasion, a television
station broadcast footage from the event that it said showed the protesters
shouting, “Long live Pakistan.” Equally offensive to many
Indians, the students had gathered to express support for Muhammad Afzal,a Kashmiri militant executedfor a 2001 suicide attack onIndia’s
Parliament in which nine people were killed.
Apparently, the twin insults were more thanIndia’s
newly empowered authorities from the conservative Bharatiya Janata Party, or
B.J.P., could stand. Three days later, the president of the university’s
student unionwas arrestedon
charges that included sedition.
Since the arrest, the B.J.P.,
with its strong Hindu nationalist roots, has gone on the offensive, casting
itself as the defender of Indian patriotism. It has organized a countrywide
campaign against the protesters, holding marches and rallies to defend “Mother
India.” At one, in West Delhi, B.J.P. workers shouted, “The traitors of the nation, we will
shoot them.”
By Wednesday, two more
students had been arrested on sedition charges, and a debate over free speech
raged in Parliament, with a Congress party lawmaker accusing the government of
“trying to stifle the voice of the youth.”
The arrests have taken the tensions to a new level, with the
B.J.P. calling the students “anti-national” and following up with a countrywide
campaign against people viewed as unpatriotic.
Underlying the political issue is a historic ambivalence about
freedom of speech in the world’s largest democracy. While free speech is
enshrined in the Constitution, it has been undermined by various sections of
the penal code, the courts and successive governments, and is not always
supported by the public.
The Constitution provides for freedom of speech and expression,
but with several exceptions, including speech that undermines “the sovereignty
and integrity of India” or public order. The
provisions are not unusual, but what has stymied freedom of speech, as a value
and a legal right, is its history of being undermined for political gain by
leaders across the ideological spectrum.
Dating to the colonial era, sedition charges have been applied
broadly in successive governments, often targeting political opponents rather
than people inciting violence, which is the aim of the law.
In 2012, a cartoonist criticizing corruption was charged with
sedition, as were, briefly, a group ofKashmiri students cheeringthe Pakistani cricket team in 2014.A law against acts “intended to outrage religious feelings” has
been used to ban books and films, or to effectively erase them by compelling
distributors to withdraw them because of litigation. The Congress government
banned Salman Rushdie’s “The Satanic Verses,” fearing it would offend Muslims.
Publishers withdrew another book, “The Hindus: An Alternative History,” by an
American historian, Wendy Doniger, after a right-wing activist filed a case
under the law, saying the book had a “hidden agenda to denigrate Hindus.”
Sedition was further reinforced in 1947 during the traumatic
partition with Pakistan, which left hundreds of
thousands dead as Hindus and Muslims turned on one another. Its continued use
reflects a prevailing anxiety over such violence, even as some forms of
vigilantism are effectively allowed free rein.
What precisely happened at
J.N.U. is unclear, but several people have stepped forward to question the
television report. A producer who worked on the segment said that editors had
supplied inflammatory and false captions to explain the students’ unintelligible
cries.The stationdenied the producer’s claim,and the editor of the
station said in a comment to Press Trust of India, “Our systems are completely
transparent and stringent not to permit any specific viewpoint to dominate any
news broadcast beyond editorial merit.”
A
student who attended the protest said there were calls for freedom from caste
oppression, but did not recall anything about Pakistan.
However, there is no denying that the purpose of the gathering
was to protest the execution of a militant responsible for multiple deaths in India.
A noted historian, Ramachandra
Guha, maintained that the government had clearly overreacted in making the
arrests, though the students’ hailing the man convicted of the Parliament
attack was “a provocation where perhaps the freedom-of-speech limit has been
crossed.”
Others have condemned the B.J.P.’s attempt to capitalize on the
protest to further its nationalist agenda. “This whole idea that India’s always right on everything
and anyone who raises questions is a traitor,” said Shekhar Gupta, a political
commentator, “that’s a new thing.”
But the B.J.P. has enjoyed considerable public support. In anopen letter, 33 people, including
intellectuals and artists, said that the left was attempting to “cover up” the
events at the university “in the garb of freedom of expression,” adding that
“such slogans are unacceptable to all patriots.”
Critics of the government noted that a group of lawyers went
largely unpunished after mobbing a courthouse where the student leader,
Kanhaiya Kumar, was expected for a hearing, beating up students and reporters
and shouting slogans of their own, including, “Hail Mother India.”
Two lawyers were arrested several days after the courthouse
violence and accused of rioting and causing harm, but both were released on
bail soon after. A third lawyer, issued a summons in connection with the riot,
took five days to appear at a police station for questioning.
In contrast, Mr. Kumar, whose lawyer says he did not even
participate in the protest, is still behind bars nearly two weeks after his
arrest.
Prof. Harsh V. Pant, who teaches international relations at
King’s College London, said it was hard for leftist opponents of the B.J.P. to
aggressively defend freedom of speech because past governments, including those
led by the Congress party, had undermined it before to further their own
agendas.
“Where was freedom of speech in
the past?” Professor Pant asked. “I do think the left is not on as strong a
wicket as it might seem.”