[1) Modi will run his government almost like a presidency,
picking and choosing the people who will deliver for him and the country. The
primacy of the Prime Minister has been re-established after 25 years of weak
leadership and coalition compromises that often failed (under VP Singh, Deve
Gowda, IK Gujral) or underdelivered (Manmohan Singh).]
Narendra Modi doesn't even waste a
Sunday on frivolity. Otherwise, he could well have done his cabinet expansion -
a substantial one that expands his ministry by a third with the induction of
four cabinet ministers, and 17 ministers of state, three with independent
charge— on a week day. The subtle message is this: government works 24x7.
But beyond this, five strong messages underlie this expansion
that comes just before he sets off on another round of foreign tours and hectic
bouts of electioneering.
1) Modi will run his government almost like a presidency,
picking and choosing the people who will deliver for him and the country. The
primacy of the Prime Minister has been re-established after 25 years of weak
leadership and coalition compromises that often failed (under VP Singh, Deve
Gowda, IK Gujral) or underdelivered (Manmohan Singh).
2) A strong message has been sent to allies who think alliances
are only about the loaves and fishes of office. Vajpayee could not prevent Bal Thackeray from ousting the
competent Suresh Prabhu and inserting a party hack, Anant Geete, into the
central ministry. Modi, by appointing Prabhu as cabinet minister over the
Sena's protestations, has told Uddhav Thackeray: this is not your father's
government. The broader message to all allies is this: if you want to join the
government to work, you are welcome. If you think it is about pressuring Modi
for ATM ministries, forget it.
It is worth recalling that Manmohan Singh did not want A Raja in his 2009 ministry, but Sonia Gandhi buckled under DMK pressure and
MMS got Raja and the 2G scam for failing to put his foot down. Modi's firmness
with the Sena must be seen as an important corrective where mere Lok Sabha
numbers should not give allies the right to override collective responsibility
and the PM's prerogatives.
3) There is a bigger wow factor to this reshuffle than Modi's
first ministerial attempt. Manohar Parrikar, Suresh Prabhu, Rajiv Pratap
Rudy and Jayant Sinha are not normal politicians, but people with a track
record and who have something to contribute. Ask not what America can do for
you, ask what you can do for America, said John F Kennedy. Modi's message to
ministerial hopefuls and India in general is the same: show me what you are
capable of and I may have something for you. And those who didn't get berths
have been repeatedly told: find out how you can contribute to the party and
build it in your constituency. He is throwing a challenge to all partymen and
allies: prove yourself.
4) This expansion is as much about politics as performance. Modi
has brought in ministers from Bihar, West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh, and Dalit
faces from two places. This keeps the elections due in 2015, 2016 and 2017 in
Bihar, Bengal and UP in focus. The Dalit minister from Punjab is a signal to
the Akalis that the party could go it alone if they don't shape up. In Haryana,
the BJP won with the support of the Dera Sacha Sauda, which has strong support
among the backward and scheduled castes. Modi is widening the base of the BJP
beyond the upper and middle castes and classes. He is planning for the long
term.
5) The cabinet changes also imply that Modi is firmly in control
of the government and the party, and the allies too are being told to align
with his objectives or get out of his way.