[In an address to
the Parliament, he spoke of China ’s power relative to its regional neighbors. “China is a large country of over 1.3 billion people,” he said.
“It is like the big guy in the crowd. Others naturally wonder how the big guy
will move and act, and they may be concerned that the big guy may push them
around, stand in their way or even take up their place.”]
While President
Obama quickly returned
to the White House after a series of Asian summits, Mr. Xi kept going. He spent
more days than Mr. Obama did in Australia,
America’s staunch ally; toured New
Zealand, another American ally; and flew to the tiny Pacific island
of Fiji.
Everywhere Mr. Xi went, he left a trail of money, a
bounty aimed at showcasing China as the dominant economic power in Asia . The
largess was wrapped in a long-range message: Don’t worry, he suggested in his
speeches. China , the “big guy,” is friendly and worthy of consideration
not only as an economic partner, but a strategic one, too.
From the opening of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation
summit in Beijing nearly two weeks ago through Mr. Xi’s tour in the
Pacific, China announced that it would spend $70 billion on loans and
infrastructure in the Asia Pacific region, according to an analysis by the Australian National University .
The
impact of some of the money, like $40 billion for a Silk Road infrastructure
fund in Central and East Asia, could be decades away, the university’s East
Asia Bureau of Economic Research said. Still, it noted that the $20 billion for
loans and infrastructure for the 10 countries in the Association for Southeast
Asian Nations was a substantial amount for projects that could come on line
quite soon.
The
figures were particularly stark when stacked against American promises. The
White House pledged $150 million for Myanmar during Mr. Obama’s recent visit for an Asian summit. On
the edges of the same meeting, China pledged $7.8 billion to refurbish decrepit roads and
increase energy production.
Mr. Xi
has his own challenges in the region. China’s ambitions to control more of the
South China and East China Seas — including territory claimed by other
countries — has set many of its neighbors on edge. Still, its financial ties in
the region are undeniable.
Besides promising money, the Chinese pushed hard on trade
agreements that, analysts say, they view as being as much about diplomacy as
business.
During
the APEC summit, China called for the start of a new free trade area in the
Asia Pacific that Beijing advertised as more inclusive and less demanding in its
rules than the Obama administration’s pet project, the Trans-Pacific
Partnership. The partnership, or T.P.P. for short, is still being negotiated
and does not include China .
In Australia , Mr. Xi and the Australian prime minister, Tony Abbott,
declared the completion of a China-Australia free trade pact, 10 years in the
making, that will open China ’s markets to Australian beef, dairy products and that
Tasmanian salmon.
“The
last two weeks showed that in Asia , even though China is not a security partner, China is an important economic partner,” said Wu Xinbo,
director of American studies at the Institute of International
Studies at Fudan
University . “It shows the United States can say a lot about regional prosperity but doesn’t do
much. China only says some things, but does a lot.”
What Mr. Xi did say in Australia , though, was intended as reassurance backed by resolve.
In an address to
the Parliament, he spoke of China ’s power relative to its regional neighbors. “China is a large country of over 1.3 billion people,” he said.
“It is like the big guy in the crowd. Others naturally wonder how the big guy
will move and act, and they may be concerned that the big guy may push them
around, stand in their way or even take up their place.”
Beneath the reassurance, though, was a sharp message,
reminding Australia that China would stand firm in upholding the “core interests” of
its sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Looking at the longer term, Mr. Xi seemed to be trying to
entice Australia , one of America ’s closest intelligence-sharing allies, away from its
more than half-century alliance with Washington . “We have every reason to go beyond a commercial
partnership to become strategic partners who have a shared vision and pursue
common goals,” Mr. Xi said.
Hugh
White, professor of strategic studies at Australian National University , said: “Xi and his colleagues are very serious about their
strategic ambitions. In the long run they believe that the gravitational force
of China ’s economy will pull Australia into its political and strategic orbit and keep it
there.”
Mr.
Obama was apparently attuned to what Mr. Xi might offer. Two days before the
Chinese leader appeared at the Parliament while in Australia for the Group of 20 summit, President Obama, in an
address to university students there, essentially warned America ’s ally not to get too close to China .
In
not-so-oblique references to China’s assertive behavior in strategic waters,
Mr. Obama said: “An effective security order for Asia must be based — not on
spheres of influence, or coercion, or intimidation where big nations bully the
small — but on alliances of mutual security, international law and
international norms.”
Momentarily,
at least, Australia seemed giddy about Mr. Xi. The Australian press, usually
an unwavering proponent of the United States alliance, embraced the Chinese leader. Mr. Obama, by
contrast, was criticized for implicitly raising objections in his speech at the
university to Mr. Abbott’s opposition to ambitious climate-change goals.
After
appearing in the national Parliament, Mr. Xi, who was on his fifth visit to Australia — he visited several times as vice president — flew to Tasmania . In doing so, he completed a circuit of all of Australia ’s seven states. Not even Mr. Obama had accomplished
that, Australian commentators said.
The cold
smoked Tasmanian salmon served to Mr. Xi at a Government House lunch was a
product that, under the terms of the China-Australia free trade pact, will
start arriving in China next month. Tariffs on sales of the fish will disappear over the next
four years, said Mark A. Ryan, chief executive of the Tassal Group, which farms
and exports the salmon.
The
appearance of the salmon in Chinese markets will carry an early strategic favor
for the Chinese government: The Tasmanian variety is expected to cut further
into the sales of Norwegian salmon that have already dwindled since Norway ’s Nobel Committee awarded the 2010 Peace Prize to the
jailed Chinese dissident, Liu Xiaobo.