[However, as it is now, the main focus of the festival is not
Yama, but Laksmi, the worship of the self and the worship of brothers. Although
people celebrate this festival for five days, they consider these three days as
important and to be celebrated it with pomp. Scholars agree that the Newar name
'Svanti' for this festival is derived from the words 'Svanhu Tithi' or
'Three-day festival.' On the third day of the festival, the worship of Laksmi
is celebrated with great fanfare. It shows, although social life in Newar
society is principally represented in a religious and spiritual way, material
prosperity and happiness are recognised as essential elements for social
continuity.]
By Bal Gopal Shrestha PhD
Introduction
Religious and ritual life in Newar society is highly guided
by calendrical festivals. We can say that the Newars spend a good part of their
time to organise and perform these festivals. They are highly organised when it
comes to organising ritual activities. Not only in Kathmandu but also wherever
the Newars have moved and settled, they managed to observe their regular feasts
and festivals, rituals and traditions. Almost every month, they observe
one or another festival, feast, fast or
procession of gods and goddesses. As we know, almost each lunar mouth in Nepal
contains one or another festival (nakhahcakhah). All year round, numerous
festivals are celebrated, processions of deities are carried out and worship is
performed, (1) Although all major and minor feasts and festivals are celebrated
in every place in many ways similar the celebration of these feasts and
festival in each place may vary. Moreover, there are many feasts and processions
of gods and goddesses in each place, which can be called original to that
place. One of the most common features of all Newar cities, towns and villages
is that each of them has its specific annual festival and procession (jatra) of
the most important deity of that particular place. The processions of different
mother goddesses during Pahamacarhe in March or April and Indrajatra in August
or September, and the processions of Rato Macchendranath in Patan and Bisket
Jatra in Bhaktapur are such annual festivals.
Besides observing fasts, feasts, festivals, organising processions of gods and goddesses, and making pilgrimages to religiously important places, another important feature of Newar society are the masked dances of various deities. In the Kathmandu Valley several masked dances are performed at different times of the year. Among them are the Devi dances, performed around the Yamya festival in Kathmandu. As we know most Newar socio-religious and ritual activities are taken care of by guthi. All these feasts and fasts, festivals and processions of gods and goddesses, rituals and traditions of the Kathmandu Valley are characteristic for Newar culture.
Scholars agree on the fact that most feasts, fasts,
festivals and procession of gods and goddesses celebrated in present day Nepal
date since the Malla period some of them even date from the Thakuri period and
the Licchavi period. Analysing some names of festivals found in the
Gopalarajavamsavali, the oldest chronicle of Nepal, and an inscription dated
1441 AD (NS 561), Sharma stresses that Newar festivals developed their present
shape already during the reigns of Jayasthiti Malla (1382-95 AD) and Yaksa Malla
(1428-1482 AD). (2) Even after the 1769 Gorkha conquest of Nepal, the Gorkha
rulers accepted most of Newar culture as their court culture (Hoek 1990). This
helped a great deal in continuation of Newar culture and its rituals in modern
Nepal.
Depending on the nature of the celebrations, Newar festival
rituals can be classified in various categories. For example, some festivals
like Svanti (Tihar), Holi, the day of worshipping divine serpents (Nagapancami)
and Mohani (Dasain) are celebrated by most Nepalese without ethnic orcaste
boundaries. These festivals can be considered national festivals. They are
celebrated not only in Nepal, but also in India in a grand manner. Of course,
celebrations of these festivals in Nepal are immensely different from the way
they are celebrated in India. Inside Nepal too, each ethnic group may celebrate
them in a distinct way and sometimes within one group, the way of celebration
may vary from place to place and from family to family. (3) For the Newars,
Mchani and Svanti are very important annual festivals (nakhah). For the Newars,
Nagapancami and Holi are important, but not celebrated with any feasts, while
the people in the Tarai and in India celebrate both these festivals in a grand
manner.
Most other festivals can be considered as characteristic of
the Newar, because during such festivals no other ethnic groups of Nepal
directly participate. Even in case they celebrate them, their way of doing so
is significantly different from the Newar way. For instance, Sakimilapunhi is
observed only by the Newars; every family worships the full-moon in the evening
and eats fried beans, sweet potatoes and roots of the alum lily (caladium
arumacia); Newar girls may observe a day long fast on this day. Other ethnic
groups do not have this tradition. Similarly Yomaripunhi, Pahamcarhe, Digupuja,
Gathammugah., Kvatipunhi, the processions of the cows (Sayah), the day of
giving alms to Buddhist priests (Panjaran), Catha or the day to worship the
crescent of the moon and Ganesa, the festival dedicated to the god of rain
Indra (Yamya), are celebrated by the Newars only.
Ritual Cycle
When we look at the nature of the celebrations of these
festivals, we can discover an important impact of the agricultural cycle on
them. (4) It can be said that the social life of the inhabitants of the Valley
is still to a large extent determined by the agricultural cycle. Until today,
many feasts and festivals and processions of gods and goddesses are in one way
or the other related to agriculture. However, it would be wrong to conclude
that only the agricultural cycle regulates the ritual calendar of the Valley,
because there are many festivals not connected to agriculture, such as the
festival of Madhavanarayana in Sankhu.
The chain of ritual celebrations in Nepal is cyclical and it
is difficult to mark one celebration as the beginning and another as the end of
a cycle (Hoek 2004). Most Newars in the Valley consider that the ritual year
begins on the day of Gathamugah. in August, the day of expelling ghosts, and ends
on the day of Sithinakhah in June, the day of worshipping lineage deities. When
we look at the gorgeous way of celebrating the festival of Mohani (Dasain in
Nepali, Dasera in Hindi, the September celebration of the divine victory over
the demons, coinciding with the harvest of rice, we are inclined to consider
this the most important festival. Those who relate rituals with agriculture
consider this festival as the beginning of a ritual cycle because the main
crop, rice, is harvested around this festival.
Svanti, which falls two weeks after Dasain, is another great
festival of the country. It is also the time of the beginning of the lunar eras
known as the Karktidi eras, as they change in the month of Kartik
(October/November), which includes the New Year's Day of Nepal (Sam. vat).
Many, therefore, take this festival of Svanti or Tihar as the beginning of the
ritual cycle. The New Year's Day of the Nepal era falls on the fourth day of
this festival, which is based on the lunar calendar. Since Nepalese people
celebrate almost all their festivals according to the lunar calendar, the
change of the Nepal era is an important day.
In Nepal, the lunar year begins either in the spring or
fall. If it begins in the spring, it is known as Caitradi if in the fall as
Kartikadi. The first one is also known as Puromantaka month, ending on a full
moon day, while the latter one is Amataka, ending on the new moon. The
Purnamantaka month begins from Krsnapaksa or the dark half while the Amantaka
month begins from Suklapaksa (the bright half of moon).
Historians believe that the tradition of celebrating New
Year's Day and Mhapuja is much older in Nepal than the Nepal Samvat (Shrestha
1982: 48-53). As the New Year, many people consider this occasion as the
beginning of a ritual cycle in the country. Nepalvar.sa Kriya Nakhahcakhah
Pustakam, a manual of Nepalese Festivals (NKNP), takes the festival of Svanti
as the beginning of the ritual cycle in Nepal. (5) Haribodhini Ekadasi the
eleventh day of the bright half of Kachala Sukla (November) marks the end of
the Caturmasa, the four-month-long sleep of the Hindu god Visnu. The Caturmasa
is considered to be an inauspicious time of the year, and rituals related to
the lifecycle are avoided as much as possible during this time of the year.
Many people in Nepal also consider the end of Caturmasa as the beginning of the
ritual cycle. However, in Bhaktapur, Bore, Thimi and in Tokha people celebrate
their important festivals during the change of the Vikram era, based on a solar
calendar (Gutschow 1996 and Vargati 1995: 184). Because of these festivals,
many people believe there that the ritual cycle begins on the New Year's Day of
the Vikram year.
Seasons are important factors in determining the time of
particular festivals. Many festivals are named after seasons. Nepal observes
six seasons, namely Vasanta (spring-Silla-Cilla), Grisma
(summer-Caula-Bachala), Varsa (rain Tachala-Dilla), Sarad (autumn Gumla-Yamla),
Hemanta (winter Kaula-Kachala), and Sisir (frosty Thimla-Pohela, each season occupying
a two-month time span. Similarly the devotional songs at the places of
devotional singing (bhajan) change according to the change of season. People
consider that Vasanta marks the renewal of seasons because it is considered to
be the king of the seasons. However, festivals like Gathamugah, which Newar
people consider to be the beginning of ritual, fall in autumn.
It may be clear that there is no common opinion about the
beginning or the end of the ritual year in Nepal. Any of the aforementioned festivals
or ceremonies may be considered a beginning of the ritual cycle in the Valley,
because there is no real break of the chain of the ritual cycle. However, the
NKNP takes the festival of Svanti as the beginning of the ritual cycle in
Nepal. Since Svanti falls during the change of the Nepal era
(October/November), more conveniently it can be taken as the beginning point of
the ritual cycle, because it is one of the most ancient traditions inSouth Asia
and Nepal.
Deepawali
Svanti is one of the national festivals of Nepal celebrated
throughout the kingdom by the Hindu and Buddhist population. This festival is
known by several names: Svanti, Pancaka, Yamapancaka, Tihar and Dipavali Both
the words 'Tihar' and 'Dipavali' are
derived from the Hindi words 'Tyauhara' and 'Divali.' Svanti, Pancaka and
Yamapancaka are words from Nepalese origin (Naghabhani 1991: 39). The Newar
people call the occasion 'Svanti' and celebrate it on their own special way. It
is called the festival of light, because during this festival people illuminate
their houses, streets, quarters, villages, towns and cities with as many lights
as possible. On the fourth day of this festival, Newar people celebrate their
New Year's Day. Performing bhailo and dyausi (dances with special songs) on the
third and fourth day of this festival is a typical tradition among the
Parvates. In the evening of Laksmipuja, unmarried girls singing and dancing
bhailo, go to their neighbours, where they are treated with delicious foods,
while the following evening males perform dyausi.
During this festival, Yama, the god of death, is invoked and
so it is called 'Yamapancaka' or 'Five days dedicated to Yama'. People assume
that, during these five days, Yama descends on this world. On the first and
second day of this festival, Yama's messengers, the crow and the dog are
worshipped. On the third day, the cow is worshipped. Although the cow is
worshipped as Laks.mi, the goddess of wealth, she is also respected as an
animal associated with the realm of Yama. Yama's assistance is sought in order
that recently deceased people may cross the river Baitarani to reach heaven.
Honouring Yama and his messenger Yamadut on the day of Mhapuja and worshipping
Yama and his bookkeeper Citragupta on the day of Kijapuja clearly mark the relation
of this festival to death. On the day of Mhapuja, Yama is honoured as a
protective god, while on the day of Kijapuja he is worshipped as an elder
brother and Citragupta as a younger brother (A. Vajracarya 1987: 9-10).
Although Yama is invoked on each of the five days during this festival, many
people disagree with the name "Yamapancaka" because the lofty ways of
celebrating Laksmi, the worship of the self, and the worship of brothers have
weakened the worship of Yama considerably (Naghabhani 1991: 47).
The NKNP suggests to begin this festival by worshipping
Ganesa on the first day, Kachalaga (Kartik) Dvadasi, making it a six-day
festival (A. Vajracarya 1987: 3). However, in practice, people begin this
festival on Trayodasi by worshipping the crow and they consider it a five-days'
festival. (6) The manners of worships now popular among the Newars are:
Kvapuja (first day): worship of crows, messengers (of
Death);
Khicapuja (second day): worship of dogs;
Sapuja and Laksmi puja (third day): the worship of cows and
Laksmi, the goddess of wealth;
Mhapuja (fourth day): the worship of the self, start of the
New Year; and
Kijapuja (fifth day): the worship of brothers by their
sisters.
Kvapuja (first day), worship of crows, messengers (of
Death): On the first day of Yamapancaka, people worship and feed crows. In
Newar households, it is common to offer a portion of food to crows every
morning before its members eat their own meal. Crows are believed to be
messengers. They are supposed to carry messages of close relatives and friends
from faraway places. People assume the crows are delivering these messages
while cawing. Depending on the voice of that crow, people guess whether it is
delivering a good or a bad message. When it caws near the house with a sweet voice,
this is taken as a good message. Sometimes the cawing is also taken as an
announcement of the imminent arrival of some guests. However, if the sound is
harsh, then it is supposed to be an indication of something bad that is going
to happen. The crow is also supposed to be the messenger of Yama, the god of
death. People believe that, when somebody dies, the departed soul (preta) finds
its temporary shelter in a crow. At least for the first ten days of the impure
period after a death, the departed soul is supposed to reside in a crow. Every
morning during the first ten-day's mourning period, the chief mourner has to
perform sraddha by offering a rice ball (pinda) and food stuffs to crows in the
name of the deceased person.
Khicapuja (second day), the worship of dogs: The second day
of the Svanti festival is Khicapuja, the day of worshipping dogs. This day is
dedicated to please the dogs. Not only pet dogs, even wandering dogs are
respected and worshipped with garlands and delicacies. In Nepal, keeping dogs
as pet animals is very common and there are many stray dogs too. On this day,
from early in the morning, people are seen worshipping dogs in the streets. The
dogs are considered to be the guards at the doors of Yama's place and people
believe that their worship helps the soul's passage at the time of death. Like
crows, dogs are supposed to be an abode for the recently deceased. The chief
mourner performs sraddha to offer pin da andfoodstuffs to dogs in the name of
the deceased during the first ten days after somebody's death, just like he
does to crows. Even when stray dogs enter the house of a deceased person, they
are not supposed to be chased away, because people believe that a dead person
visits his or her house disguised as a dog. Dogs are also regarded as the
vehicle of the fearful god Bhairav and of Nasadyo (Natyasvara), the god of
dance and drama. They are also the gatekeepers of different temples in
Kathmandu Valley.
Sapuja, the worship of cows as Laksmi and Laksmipuja (third
day): Sa or cow is considered to be a representation of Laksmi, the goddess of
wealth. On the third day of the festival of Svanti, the cow is worshipped and
fed generously. Today, only a few families in Kathmandu have a cow at home, so
those who do not have one, have to visit a place where a cow can be found or
they request to bring a cow to their house for a paja. People believe that the
worship brings them good fortune. They attach sacred threads, which they (7)
had received from Brahmins on the day of Janaipumima on the tail of a cow and
believe that this act enables them to receive the cow's support in crossing the
river Baitari, which is said to create frightful barriers to sinful men. To
give a cow as a gift to Brahmins is a religious task for Hindus that enables
them to reach heaven after their death. For them, the cow is the most sacred
animal and her five products: milk, curd, butter, urine and dung are considered
to be pure objects.
On the same day in the evening, after the worship of the
cow, people worship Laksmi the goddess of wealth. For this occasion, the houses
are cleaned and decorated with lights to receive her. Laksmi has been
represented by the word 'Sri' which means the sum of beauty and betterment.
Since ancient times, the meaning and interpretation of Laksmi has been vast and
wide. Eight (astalaksmi) or sixteen (sodsalaksmi) names are invoked to please
her during her worship. (8) Traditional painters provide a special picture of
Laksmi: she has four hands; one of her right hands is carrying a traditional mirror
(jvalanhaykam) and the other is in abhay mudra; one of her left hands is
carrying a vermilion container (sinhammhu) and the other is in bara mudra; she
is seated on her throne, adorned with glittering dresses and ornaments on her
body, wearing a golden crown on her head; her fight foot is touching a tortoise
and the left one is in padramasana mudra; two gods of wealth (Kubera) and two
benevolent ghosts (khyah) are represented in front of her. (9)
The preparation for the worship of Laksmi begins early in
the morning in every household by smearing every floor with cow dung mixed with
red clay and water. A line of cow dung and red clay leads from the front of the
house to the secret shrine of Laksmi. This is to let the goddess Laksmi find
her way to the place of worship so that she may bestow wealth on them there.
They also garland the doors of the houses and paint them with coloured powders
(Newar: sinham), especially in shops. Those who own a shop away from their own
house, worship Laksmi at their shop first, then join their family to worship
Laksmi at home. As soon as the sun sets, every family begins to decorate each
door and window of their house with palaca lamps, shallow earthen bowls with
cooking oil and a wick. Two to three decades ago, people began replacing the
traditional palaca by candles. Today, many families also decorate their houses
with coloured electric bulbs.
In every house, Laksmi is kept in a secret place of worship
called agam. All the family members must join the worship. The eldest male
member of the family (nayo) is in charge of the worship, while women are
responsible for preparing puja plates and cleaning the house. Worship
ingredients are generally red and yellow powders, incenses, rice, popped rice,
garland of threads (jajamka), yoghurt, flowers, seasonal fruits, sweets and
other foodstuffs. A painting of Laksmi made by a traditional painter is used to
represent the goddess in the worship room. Old and new coins, money, gold,
silver and all the treasures of the house are exhibited to receive worship on
this occasion. At least one new coin must be offered to Laksmi or added to the
stores. New utensils, new grains (paddy, rice, and wheat), measuring objects
(mana, kule, and pathi) and weighing objects (dhah) are also worshipped. Offering
grains from the new harvest to Laksmi is an essential ritual on this occasion,
because people must offer the cereals before they consume them themselves. They
believe that Laksmi is the goddess of grain whose benediction is necessary to
gain good crops. The main reason for honouring Laksmi is to achieve her
blessing to increase one's wealth and prosperity. People worship her every day;
they believe that this worship brings them great fortune.
After the worship, follows the family feasts. Dried meat (sukula)
of various animals, kept from the festival of Mohani two weeks earlier, is
consumed today. Of course, each foodstuff is first offered to the goddess
before the family eats itself. For three nights, Laksmi's presence is assured
by keeping her in the same place and worshipping her everyday with great
respect. Then, on the day after Kijapuja or on the fourth day's morning, is the
day of svam kokayegu, i.e. to bring out Laksmi's blessings (flowers, tika, and
food) from the secret place and distribute among the family members.
Gambling, which is legally forbidden during other times of
the year starts from the day of Laksmipuja and lasts for three days and three
nights. People believe that gambling is auspicious during Svanti, and might
bring them good fortune. It is notable that gambling was freely permitted
during the Rana regime and was abolished in 1951 but revived after a year. It
was finally abolished in 1963 through an act but it is still in practice.
Mhapuja (fourth day), worship of the self, start of the New
Year: Mhapuja is one of the oldest traditions of Nepal. It is older than that
of the Nepal era (Nepal Samvat) itself. Bhuvanlal Pradhan assumes that one of
the Licchavi kings, most probably Manadeva I (464-505 AD), began this festival
(B. Pradhan 1998: 38). Paying of all the debts of the Nepalese, a generous
trader called Samkhadhar Sakhva began the Nepal Samvat on the 20th October 879
AD, during the reign of King Raghavadeva. (10) It so happened that the Nepal
Samvat was introduced on the day of Mhapuja. Malla rulers in the Valley of
Nepal continued this era as the official one till their rule ended in 1769. In
1769 AD, after the Gorkha conquest of Nepal, the Shah rulers began to use Saka
Samvat, which was later replaced by Vikram Sarn vat by the Rana Prime minister
Chandra Shumshere in 1903 AD. (11) As the Nepalese Historians states, the
reason the lunar calendar was replaced with the solar calendar was because this
shrewd and despotic Rana Prime Minister wanted to cut down the burden of paying
salaries for a thirteenth months to government staff every two years. The use
of Nepal Sam. vat never completely died out. Since the 1950s, the Newar elite
began to celebrate the New Year's Day of the Nepal era as a public event. (12)
Since it is called Nepal Samvat, their demand is to recognise it as a national
era. As the demand came from the Newars, it began to be labelled the Nevari
Samvat by many non-Newar people. In 1999, Nepalese government declared Samkhadhar
Sakhvala, the founder of the Nepal Samvat a national hero (Rastriya Vibhuti) of
Nepal. Nepalese people have taken this decision as a token of recognition of
the Nepal Samvat as a national era. So far, the government has taken no steps
towards recognising Nepal Samvat as an official calendar for any purpose. Those
in favour of Nepal Samvat argue that since all religious ritual activities in
Nepal are based on lunar calendar it should not be a problem to recognise it
for the purpose.
On New Year's Day, Mhapuja is celebrated in a great way. On
this day, Newar people perform Mhapuja to all the deities located in their
neighbourhood before they perform the worship of the self (Mhapuja) at their
houses. Usually, Mhapuja is performed in the evening on the top floor of the
house. The floor is cleaned and smeared with
cow dung and red clay. Then a mandala, a cosmic circle of flour, is
drawn for each person. Mandalas are also drawn for those members of the family
who are absent and for the guests who are present on the occasion. They also
draw some mandala in the name of the three hundred thirty million deities
(tetisakoa dyo), of Yama, of his messenger (Yamadut) and of Siva's messenger
(Sivadut); and for household items such as broom, winnow, grinding stone,
pestle, mortar, measuring pot (mana and pathi), water container (karuva), and
earthen pitcher. (13) I observed the Mhapuja ceremony in my own family and in a
Jyapu family in Sankhu. In both cases, steamed rice-flour figures of Yama, his
messenger, Ganesa, Laksmi, Kubera and Baliraja were displayed. In the centre of
each mandala, a small oil mandala is drawn. Then, red powder, flowers, popped
and husked rice are showered over the mandala. A small kind of rice pastry
(lvahacamari), walnuts, incense, chestnuts, wild lime, common citron (tahsi),
citrus fruit (bhvagatya), threads (jajamka), flower garlands and long wicks
(kheluita) are placed around a mandala to be handed over to the person sitting
in front of the mandala. As far as possible, all the members of the family sit
in a single row in front of one's mandala, facing east. Facing south is
believed to be inauspicious. In my own (Srestha) family, the eldest male member
(nayo) of the house sits at the head of the row; then, his juniors, unmarried
daughters and other women are seated according to seniority. In the Jyapu
family, I observed that the eldest women representing the dead head of the
family sat at the head of the row as the head of the family, then her juniors
according to seniority. To consider eldest women as the head of the family even
when there are adult sons is a significant difference between Srestha and Jyapu
families.
The nayo worships a small lamp containing a figure of Ganesa
(sukunda) before he begins other ritual activities. (14) All other members of
the family also throw a few grains of rice to Ganesa in a gesture of worship.
Then the eldest woman (nakim) of the house puts a tika on everybody's forehead;
other elder women assist her in handing over the kheluita, jajamka and fruits.
The person who is thus blessed throws a few grains of rice over these things in
a gesture of worship. Everybody must light his or her kheluita and place it on
his own mandala. This act can be seen as the actual moment of worshipping the
self. The eldest woman pours worship items (luigu) on the mandala of each
person, and then she also pours them three times over the body of each person.
This is to wish the person worshipped's good, health, happiness and prosperity.
Then fruit, threads and garlands are handed over. Towards the end of the
ceremony, the persons worshipped are given sagam, a ritual blessing which is
composed of a boiled egg, a fish, pieces of boiled meat and bread made of
lentil (va) together with liquor to wish them happy and prosperous days ahead. Before
the ritual ends, pieces of tahsi and other fruit are eaten.
Walnuts, tahsi, kheluita and mandala are the crucial items
of the ceremony. The mandala represents the person worshipped, the kheluita his
life, the tahsi his purity and the walnut his strength. It is necessary to keep
kheluita lighted until the worship is finished. It is considered a bad sign if
it extinguishes during the ritual, because people link the light with a
person's lifespan. (15) The Mhapuja ceremony ends with the sweeping away of the
decorated mandala simultaneously from the bottom to the top of the row and from
the top to the bottom. After sweeping away the mandala, the ceremony is
finished, and a family feast then starts marking the actual end of the
celebration of Mhapuja.
By celebrating Mhapuja, people anticipate a successful and
prosperous life during the coming year. The worship is also supposed to provide
people with good health and a long life (Munakarmi 1975: 60). The way of
celebrating this festival may vary from one family to another, but the
significance of the celebration is not differently understood. Like in all
other Newar festivals, women play a major role in arranging the necessary items
for the worship. In my family, they also take the responsibility of worshipping
all the male members of the family, while male members usually do
notreciprocate such tasks. If a person is living alone he must perform his
Mhapuja himself. In such a case this can be considered a real worship of the
self. Worship of the self means to recognize a god in oneself. The celebration
of Mhapuja indicates that the one who realises his capacities may turn himself
into a god. To be a god means to be able to sacrifice oneself for the wellbeing
of others. According to Baldev Juju, a Newar culture specialist, the ultimate
aim of a person is to attain the level of a god. (16)
During the Mhapuja, the charitable demon king Baliraj is
also worshipped (Naghabhani 1991: 44-45). A myth tells that he was pushed to
the netherworld (patala) by the god Visnu to prevent him from conquering
heaven. By the power of his vow of giving gifts, Baliraj was about to conquer
heaven. This alarmed all the gods, so one day the disguised Visnu arrived at
Baliraj's door as a saint and begged for some space to make three steps.
Generously, Baliraj granted the disguised Visnu permission to step wherever he
wanted. Visnu used this opportunity to deceive Baliraj. Visnu covered the whole
heaven with his first step and the earth by his second step, so Baliraj had
nothing left his own head for Visnu's third step, which enabled Visnu to push
Baliraj down to the netherworld. However, after this unpleasant task, Visnu
asked Baliraj if he had any wishes. Baliraja now requested permission to visit
his kingdom once a year to see his people. Visnu granted him the day of Mhapuja
as his day on earth. The myth tells that the joyous celebration of Mhapuja is
to assure king Baliraj that his people are living happily in his kingdom.
Although the demon king Baliraj is respected in Nepal during the festival of
Svanti many people do not agree that Nepal is Baliraj's ancient kingdom. K.B.
Uday believes that the worship of Baliraj is a tradition, which has its origin
in India (Uday 2000: 2).
On the day of Mhapuja, the Parvate people in Nepal worship the
"mountain of the dung of cow (gobardhan parvat) and the ox (goru).
According to a myth, Lord Krishna began this tradition to commemorate the day
he protected the Braja people of Gokula from Indra's attack by creating a
mountain of cow dung (gobardhan parvat). Noted Nepalese historian, Triratna
Manandhar, states that the tradition of gobardhan puja started in Nepal only
during the nineteenth century i.e. during the Shah rule (AD 1769 to till date).
According to Hindu mythology, Krisna performed gobardhan puja before the
harvest in July but not after the harvest in October, as it is the case in
Nepal.
Kijapuja (fifth day), worship of brothers: This is the final
day of the five-day observance of the Yamapancaka or Svanti festival. Today,
sisters worship their brothers to bring them health, happiness and prosperity.
This festival is celebrated in Nepal, not only by the Newars, but also by the
Parvates and the people of the Tarai. Among the Newars, this day is known as
the day of Kijapuja, while the Parvates call it Bhaitika. For most Newars, it
is the occasion to worship both younger and elder brothers, but for many others
it is the day to worship only their younger brothers. On this day, married
sisters return to their parental homes to worship their brothers, or brothers
visit their sisters to receive worship from them. The reigning king also
observes this festival by receiving tika from his sisters. Every year, a royal
astrologer announces the most auspicious moment to receive tika from sisters,
but apart from the king, people choose their own convenient time for the
worship.
On the day of Kijapuja, together with brothers, Yama and
Citragupta are worshipped. So mandala are drawn for them too. (17) In my
family, on the day of Mhapuja, these are placed on the top of the row of
worship, but on the day of Kijapuja they are placed at the bottom while in the
Jyapu family I observed, their position did not change. (18) Most ingredients
used at Kijapuja are similar to those at Mhapuja, such as the drawing of mandala,
oil mandala, and the worship items mentioned before. The way of worshipping
brothers by their sisters is also similar to Mhapuja, but this time the actors
are sisters. The most important items of the day are oil mandala, walnuts,
tahsi and gvaysvam (a small nut-shaped flower).
Explaining slokas from Satkarma Ratnavali and a traditional
calendar (patro), Naghabhani states that the worship of brothers by their
sisters on this day is a tradition derived from the legendary worship of Yama
by his younger sister Yamuna. He thinks it is wrong to call the day 'Kijapuja'
or 'worship of the younger brother' because the texts do not specify this
aspect of brotherhood. He thinks it would be more appropriate to worship both
younger and elder brothers (Naghabhani 1991:46 and Upadhyay 1996: 225-231).
Yamuna is also identified with Yami. According to a Hindu myth, Yama and Yami
are son and daughter of Vivasvat (the sun) and U Saranyu and are twins. Yami
tried to persuade Yama to marry her, but Yama refused the proposal of an
incestuous marriage, as he was afraid of being called evil (O'Flaherty 1978:
64). Another myth tells that on this day a sister was preparing a worship of
her brother, but Yama, the god of death, arrived to take away her brother
because his life span on earth ran out. The clever sister persuaded Yama to
wait and witness the worship. She worshipped Yama together with her brother,
which moved Yama. Consequently, Yama saved her brother's life. This myth tells
that she requested Yama not to take away her brother until the oil mandala
dried up and gvaysvam faded away. People believe that a mandala made from oil
never dries up; so nut-shaped flower (gvaysvam) never fades away, and Yama had
to give up the idea of taking away her brother. It is believed that from that
time onwards sisters began worshipping their brothers on this day believing
that it will bestow a long life on them. The myth makes it clear that people
assume it is possible to conquer death by worshipping Yama, the god of death.
Hence, this occasion can be taken as a celebration of the victory of life over
death.
The day of Kijapuja is also meant to exchange gifts among
brothers and sisters. Not only do sisters worship their brothers and bless them
with happiness and a long life, but they also feed them with delicious foods,
sweets, fruits, walnuts, chestnuts, betel nuts, pistachio nuts, cashew nuts,
almonds, raisins, cinnamon, chocolates and cloves (masala pva). In return,
brothers give money or clothes or other items to their sisters.
The end of the worship of brothers is considered to be the
end of the five-day long Svanti festival, but the real closure of the festival
takes place on the day following Kijapuja. On this day, early in the morning,
the final worship of Laksmi is performed and the prasad of Laksmi are taken out
from the agam to be distributed among the family members. The blessings include
flowers, tika, sweets, fruits and a feast. Married daughters and sisters are
also invited to receive the blessings and to attend the feast.
Significance of the
rituals
Pancaka is a Sanskrit name given to this festival, which
means 'consisting of five' (Monier Williams 1988: 578). To call this festival
'Pancaka' seems appropriate since it is celebrated for five consecutive days.
'Pancaka' is generally considered an inauspicious period, which may occur
twelve to thirteen times in a year. (19) Auspicious tasks like sowing the
fields are avoided during such a period. It is considered dangerous for a
family when a member dies during any of the days of the Pancaka. People believe
that in such a case as much as five members from the same family will die. To
avoid such a disaster, adequate attention is given when somebody dies during a
Pancaka period: during the cremation of the dead body, eggs are added to the
corpse as a substitute of human lives.
As the god of death, Yama is accountable for determining the
moment of death of all the creatures in the world. Therefore,
Yama'spredominance during the Pancaka festival is clear. In this regard the
name 'Yamapancaka' or 'Five days dedicated to Yama' given to the festival is
significant. Pancaka as a festival is considered a good period but, because of
Yama's presence, it is not without danger. Unlike during other festivals the
chief deity of this festival does not have any processions, but Yama's presence
from the first day of the festival to the end is obvious. To celebrate a
festival in the presence of Yama, the god of death, can be considered a most
risky enterprise. Therefore, people may have taken this festival as an
opportunity to appease Yama so that they receive his bliss. By worshipping
Yama, people solicit his grant of a long life in the world and in heaven after
one's death. Hindus believe that, as soon as one dies, one's departed soul
moves to Yama's court. There all souls are judged; either they are awarded
heaven or they are sent to hell. Remembering, worshipping and appeasing
deceased ancestors (pitr) are dominant feature of Newar ritual life. Every
morning, sons must offer water and food
to their deceased ancestors. During all major and minor festivals, the
ancestors are presented food (jugibvah), and they are involved during any
special family ceremony like marriage or other lifecycle rituals. Sraddha is
performed once a year to worship and feed them. Therefore, the worship of Yama,
the god of death, during the Svanti festival is not to be surprised at, but is
just another occasion of appeasing Yama who might otherwise cause untimely
death or trouble after one's death.
However, as it is now, the main focus of the festival is not
Yama, but Laksmi, the worship of the self and the worship of brothers. Although
people celebrate this festival for five days, they consider these three days as
important and to be celebrated it with pomp. Scholars agree that the Newar name
'Svanti' for this festival is derived from the words 'Svanhu Tithi' or
'Three-day festival.' On the third day of the festival, the worship of Laksmi
is celebrated with great fanfare. It shows, although social life in Newar
society is principally represented in a religious and spiritual way, material
prosperity and happiness are recognised as essential elements for social
continuity.
The worship of Laksmi and the worship of brothers are not an
unimportant part of this festival, but the Newars take Mhapuja or the worship
of the self as the most important event of the festival. Mhapuja is only
prevalent among the Newars. In many respects, Mhapuja can be considered a
unique Nepalese tradition. Worship of the self or worship of one's body (mha)
and soul (atma) is Mhapuja. For religious-minded people, body and soul are two
different phenomena. They believe that their body is temporal while their soul
is immortal. They believe that in a person a god is residing, so the worship of
the self is an occasion to respect or recognise the god in oneself. The Nepalese tradition of worshipping gods and
goddesses is to invoke their power (sakti) (Juju and Shrestha 1985: 67). Hence,
the worship of the self is to understand one's capability and to utilise it for
attaining the level of a god or goddess and as such to work for the betterment
of human beings and the whole universe.
The fifth day's worship of brothers is another important day
of this festival. This tradition is one of the most popular customs in South
Asia. It is not only religiously meaningful but also significant from a social
point of view, because it plays a great role in strengthening the relation
between brothers and sisters. A balanced relation between brothers and sisters
is one of the essential aspects of Nepalese social life. Especially the
relation between married sisters and brothers is crucial. If not handled
thoughtfully the bond may turn very unpleasant. In such a situation one may
lose one's dignity in society. The day of Kijapuja provides brothers and
sisters an opportunity to keep up their relationship.
One of the most important aspects of this festival is the
turn of the lunar year. It is clear from our earlier discussion that
celebrating the turn of the year on this day is an ancient tradition in Nepal.
Therefore, it is appropriate to call this occasion the renewal of the ritual
year in Nepal, because apart from two festivals, Ghyocakusalhu and Bisketjatra,
(20) all the feasts and festivals in Nepal are celebrated according to the
lunar calendar. In India too, those who follow the Kartikadi lunar calendar
take this occasion as the renewal of the ritual year and celebrate it as their
New Year's Day. As Tyauhar or Divali, this is a widely celebrated festival
among the Hindus in India and other countries. It could be assumed that the
tradition of the celebration of the New Year might, over the years, have
created the wonderful festival of Svanti or Yamapancaka. Although Mhapuja was
invented earlier the celebration of the New Year is itself a 1127 years old
tradition thanks to Samkhadhara Sakhvala. 'Nepal' is now the name of
present-day country. Hence it will be erroneous to call the Nepal era a Newar
or Newari Samvat. There is no reason that only the Newars would feel proud of
the Nepal era, because the name 'Nepal' implies that it belongs to all
Nepalese.
Conclusion
The Svanti festival contains five major components: the
worship of the crow, dog and cow; the invocation of Yama by worshipping his
messengers and himself; the worship of Laksmi; the worship of the self on New
Year's Day; and the worship of brothers. The combination of these five
different ritual activities in one single festival is difficult to explain. The
most obvious feature of this festival is the presence of Yama. However, if we
consider this to be the festival of Yama only, then the worship of Laksmi, the
self and brothers cannot logically be fitted in. Crow, dog and cow are in one
way or other related to Yama and his realm, therefore their worship during this
festival makes sense, but Yama's worship together with that of the self and
that of brothers is difficult to comprehend. The relation between two ritual
sequels, the worship of the self and the worship of brothers, is not clear to
me either. Although the nature of worship during these two days is similar, the
actors who carry out the rituals are different; so the meanings of each ritual
are different too. Why the worship of the self and brothers occurs after the
worship of Laksmi is also not understandable.
Yama is invoked throughout the festival but his absence at
the time of Laksmi's worship is a puzzle. The reason may be that people prefer
forgetting death when they are engaged in worshipping wealth or are otherwise
busy with material life.
Since people are busy honouring Yama from the first to the
final day of the festival this festival can more appropriately be called the
celebration of Yama. In this regard the name 'Yamapancaka' is a most suitable
name for this festival. Yama as the god of death is considered to be a less
compassionate divinity. People know that death is inevitable but they like to
avoid it as far as possible. It is clear that the real motive behind the
invocation of Yama at the time of the New Year's celebration or during the
worship of the self is to plead for the continuation of life for another year.
Similarly, the worship of Yama together with the worship of brothers is also
thought to obtain his blessings for the good health and life of brothers. These
two events can be considered the celebration of life, albeit with the mercy of Yama,
the god of death. By worshipping him, people try tosubjugate the power of
death. It is significant that Mhapuja is performed as the first ritual of the
New Year and that people pray for health, long life, happiness and prosperity
in the year to come. Yama's worship on such an occasion is meaningful, because
he is the god who possesses the power of determining people's life span in the
world and their fate after death. Yama's acceptance of being worshipped as a
protective god during this festival can be taken as his willingness for showing
his compassion towards human beings. Compassion towards human beings shown by
the god of death may be called the defeat of death. In this regard, the worship
of the self and the worship of brothers can both be considered as the
overcoming of death. Hence we can consider the festival of Svanti as the
celebration of the victory of life over death.
As we discussed above, during this festival the
Amantaka-based lunar Year is changed symbolising the change of ritual cycle.
Therefore we can say that the festival of Svanti is also the renewal of the
ritual cycle in Nepal.
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Notes
(1.) I carried out my research as a PhD candidate at the
Research School of Asian, African, and Amerindian Studies (CNWS), University of
Leiden, the Netherlands. I am grateful to Prof. Dr. D.H.A. Kolff and Dr. Sjoerd
Zanen of University of Leiden, the Netherlands for their helpful comments to
earlier drafts of this paper. I express my gratitude to Prof. Dr. Triratna
Manandhar of Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu Nepal for reviewing and providing
useful suggestions to an earlier version of this paper. For more on Nepalese
festivals, see (Anderson 1971; Calise 1982; Gellner 1992: 213-220; Lewis 1984:
337-441; Nepali 1965: 343-413; R. Pradhan 1986: 286-416; Shrestha 2002:
211-268; Toffin 1984: 501-554; A. Vajracarya 1988 and P. Vajracarya 1979).
(2.) See (P. Sharma 1997: 153-4 and Vajracarya and Malla:
1985 folio 21, 23, 29, 56, 61 and 63).
(3.) See Ishii (1993) for a comparison of annual festivals
celebrated among Parvate Hindus, Newars and Mithili, the three major ethnic
groups of Nepal.
(4.) Many inscriptions from the Licchavi period (4th to 9th
century) provide ample examples of the tradition of religious festivals in
Nepal (Vajracarya and Malla 1985: 82-87).
(5.) Pundit Ashakaji (Ganeshraj) Vajracarya (1988) copied
and translated this book into the Newar language from the original text. The
translator states that Pandit Kanthananda Bramhan had originally compiled this
book in Sanskrit. See also Levy (1992:411-417) and Anderson (1977: 164-174) for
Svanti festival.
(6.) Lewis (1984: 395-403) called it a six-day festival but
he has recorded only five days of activities. See Toffin (1984: 538-542) for
his interpretation of this festival in Panauti. C. Vajracarya (2000: 133-55)
presents the festival as celebrated among the Newar Buddhist Vajracaryas in
Kathmandu. See Nepali (1965 381-383) for his observation of Mhapuja and a
comparison of Newar Kijapuja with the Parvates' Bhaitika. More on Bhaitika
among the Parvates see Bennett (1983: 246-252). See Ishi (1993: 74-77) for a
comparison of celebrating this festival between the Mithila, the Parvate Hindus
and the Newars.
(7.) Janaipuniama is celebrated on the full-moon day of the
Gumla month in August. On this day, the Brahmins change their sacred threads
(janai) and distribute threads to general people.
(8.) A. Sharma (1987:11) deals with the general worship of
Laksmi. Naghabhani (1991:48-71) critically examines the tradition of
worshipping Laksmi in Nepal, but he does not provide clear references to his
sources.
(9.) According to the famous Nepalese traditional painter
Premman Citrakar she is Suvarma Laksmi. See also (Naghabhani 1991: 65).
(10.) See more on the Nepal Era (B. Pradhan 1979: 1-6 and
1998: 29, Slusser 1982: 389 and Vajracarya & Malla 1985: 236).
(11.) However, the Vikram era began to be used in minting
only since 1911 AD (B. Pradhan 1998: 30).
(12.) In 1928 AD, for the first time Dharmaditya Dharmacarya
(Jagatman Vaidya) proposed in his magazine Buddhadharma va Nepalabhasa to
celebrate the New Year's day of Nepal Sam. vat as a national event. See
Nepalbhasa Mamkah. Khalah (NMK 1993: 65).
(13.) According to "Sthirobhava-Vakya" these
household items represent one or other deities too (Slusser 1982:421).
(14.) In Newar households, worshipping of Ganesa is
essential before beginning any ritual activity.
(15.) For his interpretations of kheluita see Gvamga (1999:
1-5).
(16.) He views that many Tantrik deities that are worshipped
today were once human beings (Juju and Shrestha 1985: 1-9), for his views on
Svanti see (Juju and Shrestha 1985: 60-68).
(17.) Many also consider them only the messengers of Yama
and Siva (Yamadut and Sivadut). In his study, Nepali (1965: 383) found elder
brothers were regarded as Yamraj and younger one as Citragupta among the
Newars, but I did not encounter with any such interpretations.
(18.) This position may vary from one family to another, and
does not seem to be meaningful.
(19.) During the period of each two naksatra or 'Lunar
Mansion' one 'Pancaka' is counted. Nakstra are constellations of fixed stars.
There are twenty-seven main naksatra but some astrologers also consider them as
twenty-eight (Behari 2003: 169-251).
(20.) These two festivals are celebrated according to
solar-based Vikram calendar.
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