[Even so, since his
third election victory in Gujarat in December, the clamor for Modi has grown
among the party’s rank and file. Indian media have joined in, steadily dropping
Modi’s former image as the “Hero of Hate” to recast him as the “Modernizer.”]
By Rama Lakshmi
NEW DELHI— If Indians were to vote against
corruption, a slowing economy and weak leadership in the 2014 national
elections — all that urban middle-class Indians are roiled by — controversial
Hindu nationalist politician Narendra Modi could win the office of prime
minister hands down.
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Ajit Solanki/AP - Indian state of Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi
gestures as he greets his supporters after casting his vote in the second
phase of Gujarat state assembly elections in Ahmadabad, India,
Monday, Dec. 17, 2012.
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He has won three back-to-back elections as chief
minister of the western state of Gujarat, delivered impressive economic growth,
boosted jobs and runs what is considered a squeaky-clean administration in a
country where bribe-taking is a byword for power.
But Modi’s political journey from Gujarat to New
Delhi faces hurdles from within his Bharatiya Janata Party and from its allies.
For the party, the quandary couldn’t be deeper —
Modi is its most popular, vote-getting face, but his image is hardly
coalition-friendly. The stigma of his alleged complicity in
bloody riots that left hundreds of Muslims dead in Gujarat 11 years ago could
frighten away smaller parties key to stitching up a national coalition
government. Many Indians vote along caste, religious and regional lines but
ignore corruption, giving small regional parties powerful leverage.
“If the BJP projects him, we will leave the
coalition in no time,” said Sabir Ali, spokesman for the Janata Dal United
party, a tiny but important ally that governs the eastern state of Bihar. “The
prevailing sentiment is that Modi is a killer of Muslims.”
Even so, since his third election victory in
Gujarat in December, the clamor for Modi has grown among the party’s rank and
file. Indian media have joined in, steadily dropping Modi’s former image as the
“Hero of Hate” to recast him as the “Modernizer.”
But the BJP leadership appears to be delaying in
putting him forward as the party’s candidate for prime minister . In the absence of official party
rallies, Modi, apparently unwilling to wait for a green light, has begun an
independent speaking tour of sorts.
The pro-Modi groundswell peaked this month at a
party meeting in New Delhi. Every time Modi’s name was mentioned, thousands of
party members roared and cheered. Even as the party tried to showcase the
achievements of other prominent members, it was clear who the party members
wanted, one senior member said.
“A pan-India momentum is building around Modi.
It would be unfair and churlish not to recognize that,” said political
commentator Ashok Malik, referring to Modi’s popularity with the urban middle
class. “Even those who are not in his favor in the party grudgingly accept that
Modi is the best card they can play.”
He said polls showing rising ratings for Modi reflect
Indians’ disappointment with the rule of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, a reticent economist
who has failed to check runaway corruption, spiraling inflation and plummeting
economic growth.
“There is a sense of helplessness among Indians
today — corruption, economy, leadership vacuum,” said BJP spokeswoman Nirmala
Sitharaman. “Modi is able to effectively touch this nerve and ask, ‘Can India
afford to feel this helpless?’ ”
The BJP led a coalition government from 1999 to
2004, when it lost power amid waning support from the poorer classes that had
previously backed it.
“We must demonstrate once again that we are a
winnable party, and Modi can take us closer to that goal than any other leader
today,” said a party member who was not authorized to speak publicly on
internal matters.
But even members of allied parties who admire
Modi’s rule in Gujarat worry that he will cost them votes among Muslims.
“The country needs a dynamic, growth-oriented,
decisive leader, but Modi also carries a stigma,” said Nama Nageswara Rao, a
lawmaker with the Telugu Desam Party in southern India. “His silence on the issue
of riots does not inspire confidence.”
Widespread doubts aside, Modi has already begun
to construct a national image for himself.
He rarely speaks publicly in the Gujarati
language, choosing Hindi for larger audiences. He has stopped mentioning Gujarat’s
population of 60 million in every speech, focusing instead on the
aspirations of India’s 1.2 billion people. He compares the brimming
surplus in his state’s coffers with India’s bloating fiscal deficit.
In his stump speeches, Modi attacks Singh’s
government for excessive “dole distribution” and blames Singh for drowning the
economy, which he says has led the world to “put a question mark on India.” He
calls the ruling Congress party a termite eating away at the nation.
But when it comes to the 2002 riots, Modi is
silent. Media interviews are granted on the condition that no riot-related
questions are asked. Other times, Modi, who has never been convicted of a crime
in connection with the killings, directs reporters to read the court records.
When asked about his desire to be prime
minister, he ducks.
“I have a mantra in my life that I share with
others: ‘Don’t dream of becoming, dream of doing something,’ ” Modi said at a
recent event.
An avid blogger and tweeter, Modi has forced
opponents in the Congress party to take to social media. When Modi boasts of
his achievements in Gujarat, Congress party supporters tweet a steady stream of
statistics to punch holes in his rhetoric.
But the Congress party has yet to launch a
campaign against him.
“We have decided to leave him to the tender
mercies of his party colleagues in the BJP,” a Congress lawmaker said.
Analysts said Modi would drive the votes of
religious minorities back to the Congress fold, although he might cost the
party some urban middle-class voters.
Several European nations that shunned Modi after
the riots have recently resumed meetings with him. But he struggles to gain
acceptance in the United States, which has not
granted him a visa because of
criticism about his role in the violence.
A recent invitation to Modi to address students
of the Wharton School’s India Economic Forum via Skype courted controversy when
American human rights activists and professors mounted an online campaign
asserting “incalculable and continuing harm done by Modi’s brand of politics to
the secular values enshrined in India’s constitution.” The invitation was
rescinded.
In 2002, Modi told the
Gujarat legislative assembly that the “riots are a stigma on humanity and do
not help anyone to hold his head high.”
His critics say that is not enough.
In an opinion piece published last week, economist
and columnist Mihir Sharma wrote
that many Indians are hoping Modi will express regret “so they can vote for him
with a clean conscience.”
