[New Delhi literally
began as an imperial edict. In December 1911, King George V traveled to Delhi
in order to be crowned emperor of India at an elaborate durbar, or
gathering: he was the first reigning British monarch to step foot on Indian
soil. After several days of ceremonies at a temporary city consisting of some
40,000 tents and featuring its own railway system, King George V offered two
boons to his subjects: First, he revoked the partition of Bengal, an act that
had unleashed violent anti-British agitation. Second, he announced the creation
of a new city in the vicinity of Delhi to replace Calcutta as the imperial
capital. The city, George hoped, would be a fusion of Indian and European
architecture, according to a letter from his viceroy to one of his colleagues.]
By Dinyar Patel
Alkazi Foundation for The Arts via Associated Press
The Delhi Coronation Durbar of 1911 with Emperor King George V and Empress Queen Mary seated on the dais, in this file photo. |
Few cities of recent
vintage have a history as complicated and contested as New Delhi, which turned
100 on Monday. Now the seat of the world’s largest democracy, New Delhi began
in 1911 as a grand imperial showpiece meant to stand for eternal British rule
over the Indian subcontinent. But during its two decades of construction New Delhi
became the stage upon which Indians gained increasing political advantage over
a crumbling Raj.
New Delhi literally
began as an imperial edict. In December 1911, King George V traveled to Delhi
in order to be crowned emperor of India at an elaborate durbar, or
gathering: he was the first reigning British monarch to step foot on Indian
soil. After several days of ceremonies at a temporary city consisting of some
40,000 tents and featuring its own railway system, King George V offered two
boons to his subjects: First, he revoked the partition of Bengal, an act that
had unleashed violent anti-British agitation. Second, he announced the creation
of a new city in the vicinity of Delhi to replace Calcutta as the imperial
capital. The city, George hoped, would be a fusion of Indian and European
architecture, according to a letter from his viceroy to one of his colleagues.
Herbert Baker and Edwin Lutyens, the two architects
appointed to design much of the city, seemed to be curious choices for such a
venture. Baker worked in South Africa, where he had become a disciple of the
arch-imperialist Cecil Rhodes. Lutyens, who previously had mostly designed
English country houses, was known for his occasional prejudiced outbursts
against India. In a letter to his wife, for example, Lutyens described Indian
architecture as “essentially the building style of children.” Even the Taj
Mahal, he complained, was “small but very costly beer.” Both men reveled in
their assignment to create a monument to imperialism. “Hurrah for despotism!”
Baker wrote to Lutyens. “On the day you sail [to India] you should feel like
Alexander when he crossed the Hellespont to conquer Asia.”
Alkazi Foundation For The Arts via Associated Press
Crowds gathered during The Delhi Coronation Durbar of 1911, in this file photo. |
New Delhi inspired a
lively architectural debate amongst the uppermost echelons of British Indian
society. But for Indians themselves, it became the object of resentment. Parts
of the new city seemed completely antithetical to the Raj’s promises to Indian
nationalists of gradual political reform. Above the entrances to his
Secretariats, for example, Baker engraved a rather patronizing phrase: “Liberty
will not descend to a people, A people must raise themselves to liberty, It is
a blessing that must be earned before it can be enjoyed.” The engraving remains
there today. Lutyens’ Viceroy’s House covered a greater area than Versailles
and had an army of attendants, including several whose job was to shoo away
pigeons. New Delhi emerged as a rigidly ordered and segregated city, with
spacious bungalows for British officers in the south and poorly ventilated
tenements for Indian peons in the north.
Arthur Gill/British Architectural
Library
Viceroy’s House in Delhi, in this
undated file photo.
|
Armed with limited
budgetary powers, the assembly began chipping away at New Delhi’s construction
budget and helped organize two committees to investigate ways for further
reductions. As a result, many elements of New Delhi’s plan, such as extending
the city’s processional boulevard, now Rajpath, to the Yamuna River, were
discarded and remain unfinished even today. Leading Indian nationalists took a
harder line against the city. Jawaharlal Nehru mocked the Viceroy’s House as
the “chief temple where the High Priest officiated” and Mahatma Gandhi is
rumored to have wanted to turn it into a hospital.
When New Delhi was
officially inaugurated in 1931, it was a fundamentally incomplete city,
littered with vacant plots and unfinished palaces. Due to the outrage over the
cost of construction, British officials kept inaugural ceremonies to a bare
minimum, something that was in marked contrast to the 1911 durbar. The power
dynamics in the new city were starting to shift. At its center was a new
Council House built for India’s expanded legislative assembly. As the Raj was
forced to make further political concessions to the nationalists, the Council
House, today home to India’s Parliament, became a hub of the city’s political
life at the expense of the Viceroy’s House.
Ultimately, New Delhi
served as the capital of the Raj for only 16 years before India became
independent in 1947. Lutyens’ Viceroy’s House — decorated with stone bells that
were meant never to ring and thereby never to herald the end of empire — became
Rashtrapati Bhavan, the home of India’s ceremonial president. Colonial-era
statues were dumped at the neglected durbar site. Reminders of
the Raj still abound at every turn in modern New Delhi, but the Indian republic
has managed to put its own stamp on the capital. At the eastern end of Rajpath
lies an empty pavilion that once housed the marble statue of George V. It
serves as a fitting symbol for an ancient civilization very much still in the
process of refashioning itself as a democratic, egalitarian nation-state.
Dinyar Patel is a
Ph.D. candidate in the Department of History at Harvard University. He is currently
based in Mumbai on a Fulbright scholarship.
@ The New York Times
@ The New York Times