[In
2005, CPI, whose vice president is Li Peng’s daughter, Li Xiaolin, formed a
partnership with Asia World, a Burmese conglomerate close to the military, in
preparation for the Irrawaddy hydropower project. The U.S. Treasury Department in February 2008 blacklisted
Asia World, describing its founder, Lo Hsing Han, as the “Godfather of
Heroin.” Treasury put Lo and his son, Steven Law, who controls the company, on
a list of “specially designated nationals” because of their “history of
involvement in illicit activities.” The family has in the past denied drug
links.]
By Andrew Higgins
Tarbe
hydropower station, built with
is
seen in Namkham, along the Burma-China border,
in
|
NAYPYIDAW, Burma — After five years of cozy cooperation with Burma’s ruling generals, China Power Investment Corp. got a shock in September when it sent a senior executive to Naypyidaw, this destitute Southeast Asian nation’s showcase capital, a Pharaonic sprawl of empty eight-lane highways and cavernous government buildings.
Armed with a slick PowerPoint presentation and
promises of $20 billion in investment, Li Guanghua pitched “an excellent
opportunity,” a mammoth, Chinese-funded hydropower project in Burma ’s far north.
Then came the questions: What about the risk of
earthquakes, ecological damage and all the people whose homes would be flooded?
Is it true that most of the electricity would go to China ?
Two weeks later, Burma , also known as Myanmar , scrapped the cornerstone of the project. President Thein
Sein, a former general who took office in March, announced that he had to
“respect the people’s will” and halt the $3.6 billion dam project at Myitsone,
the biggest of seven planned by China Power Investment, or CPI.
As the world’s biggest consumer of energy, China has hunted far and wide in recent years for sources of
power — and of profit — for state-owned corporate behemoths such as CPI. The
result is a web of deals with often-repressive regimes, from oil-rich African
autocracies such as Sudan and Angola to river-rich Burma .
But coziness with despots can also backfire.
Amid a dramatic, though still fitful, opening
in Burma after decades of
harsh repression, public anger has swamped China ’s hydropower plan. The deluge threatens not only hundreds
of millions of dollars already spent but also China ’s intimate ties to what had been a reliably authoritarian
partner, its only East Asian ally other than North Korea .
CPI “thought that making an agreement with the
regime is good enough. They don’t realize that the circumstances have changed,”
said Ko Tar, a Burmese writer and anti-dam activist who traveled to Myitsone
early this year. He has since rallied opposition to a project that he says
shows China is “only concerned with its own energy needs, not with Burma ’s ecological needs.”
But under pressure from environmentalists at
home and crimped by new legislation, China ’s dam-builders have in recent years also looked to rivers
abroad. They are constructing about 300 dams overseas.
Most of these will not help China meet its energy needs: They are too far away, in places
such as Ethiopia and Sudan . But Chinese-built dams in Laos and especially Burma will pump electricity into China ’s power grid. The dams under construction by CPI on Burma ’s Irrawaddy River and its tributaries would, if completed, be capable of
generating roughly as much electricity as China ’s gigantic Three Gorges Dam. Ninety percent of that energy
would go to China .
CPI, which for years shunned pleas for
information about its Burma dams, has reacted angrily to assertions that the project
will benefit mainly China . “People who hold such a wrong viewpoint either don’t
understand the situation or have ulterior motives,” Lu Qizhou, the company’s
Beijing-based Communist Party secretary and president, said in remarks
posted on CPI’s Web site last
month. He cited hundreds of miles of new roads, better flood control and other
benefits for Burma .
But China ’s own government, in an August report by the State-Owned
Assets Supervision and Administration Commission, hailed CPI’s Burma venture as a model of party-led overseas expansion in
pursuit of Chinese interests. The report noted that the dam project
“principally serves our nation’s southern power grid” in a national strategy to
boost electricity supplies to boom towns in China ’s east.
In a written response to questions, CPI said
that Burma ’s market is not big enough to “digest all the electricity”
due to be generated. The company declined to say whether it had halted work at
Myitsone, as demanded by the Burmese president, saying only that “we are
negotiating on the relevant issues” with Burma ’s government. Burma ’s foreign minister and vice president have visited Beijing recently and have been told by senior Chinese officials
that Burma should honor its commitments to CPI.
But that dam, which China eventually funded and finished building itself in 2005,
did nothing to sate China ’s surging appetite for electricity: The power it generated
came here to Naypyidaw, a vast new city hacked from forests that Than Shwe declared Burma ’s new capital in 2006. In Naypyidaw, unlike the rest of Burma , lights blaze night and day.
Across the border
In 2002, however, the industry hit an obstacle —
a new law that required an environmental impact assessment for each project
before work could start. Under pressure from emboldened environmentalists,
Premier Wen Jiabao ordered Huaneng, a state electricity company then run by Li
Peng’s son, to suspend a huge dam planned for the Nu River in Yunnan .
Frustrated at home, China ’s electricity giants looked across the border, where Than
Shwe’s regime had many big rivers and paid no attention to environmentalists. Burma ’s generals, who had battled communist and ethnic
insurgents trained and armed by Beijing in the 1960s and ’70s, didn’t particularly trust China . But, ostracized by the West, they were desperate for
Chinese money and diplomatic support.
In 2005, CPI, whose vice president is Li Peng’s
daughter, Li Xiaolin, formed a partnership with Asia World, a Burmese
conglomerate close to the military, in preparation for the Irrawaddy
hydropower project. The U.S. Treasury Department in February 2008 blacklisted
Asia World, describing its founder, Lo Hsing Han, as the “Godfather of
Heroin.” Treasury put Lo and his son, Steven Law, who controls the company, on
a list of “specially designated nationals” because of their “history of
involvement in illicit activities.” The family has in the past denied drug
links.
In 2009, Than Shwe’s regime gave CPI a final
green light for a cascade of dams capable of generating nine times as much
electricity as the Hoover Dam. Their location: Kachin state, a cauldron of
ethnic and political conflict in Burma ’s far north. Terms of the deal were kept secret. Put in
charge of the design was China ’s Changjiang Institute, which had designed the
problem-plagued Three Gorges Dam.
Groundswell of opposition
At Myitsone, the site of the main dam on the Irrawaddy ,
protests began even before construction. Local Kachins, many of whom want their
own state and have a long history of battling the military, resisted forced
resettlement and accused CPI of colluding with Burmese troops.
In October 2009, the Kachin Development
Networking Group, an opposition group, sent an open letter to CPI demanding
that it halt the project “to avoid being complicit in multiple serious human
rights abuses associated with the project.” CPI, according to the group, did
not reply. The company declined to comment for this article.
Christian Kachins held prayer meetings, calling
for divine intervention against CPI. “We prayed that God will favor the right
and defeat the wrong,” said Dai Lum, secretary of the Church
of Zion in Myitkyina, the regional capital.
Villagers in Tanphre, the settlement nearest the
planned Myitsone dam, were ordered to leave their homes and move to “a model
new village,” a treeless expanse of newly built houses. Each family received a
color TV set, rice rations and a steady supply of electricity for several hours
a day, something unavailable in Tanphre.
But, said one resident who spoke on the
condition of anonymity for fear of retribution, “nobody wants to live here.
Everyone wants to go back home.”
A CPI-commissioned study of the environmental
and social consequences of the project acknowledged “some unavoidable adverse
impact” but said that overall, it would have “significant benefits in terms of
society, economy and the environment.” It blamed opposition to the project on
“fake propaganda by partial organizations.”
The company’s secrecy also stirred suspicions in
Burma . But it won plaudits in Beijing . The report by China ’s state-owned assets agency praised CPI’s Communist Party
units for their “closed management” and described the project site as “an
isolated island floating above the national soil of Burma .”
This isolation increased after mysterious bomb
attacks in April, which Burmese authorities blamed on Kachin separatists. The
rebels denied involvement. The attacks, coupled with a surge in clashes between
Burmese troops and rebels, spooked the Chinese, and some workers left for home.
By this summer, local anger had swelled into a
national movement, assisted by a relaxing of rigid media control by government
censors. Previously cowed journalists, emboldened by the new mood, denounced
the dams and China ’s tightening grip on Burma ’s economy. Artists, poets and opposition activists joined,
their voice amplified by Facebook and exile Web sites.
At stake, said Tin Oo, a former military
commander who is vice chairman of the National League for Democracy, was not
only the fate of the Irrawaddy , but also whether Burma would become “not just China ’s satellite state but China ’s vassal state.”
Eleven Media, a private Burmese media group that
had focused mostly on sports and other safe topics, embraced the anti-dam
cause. Its chairman, Than Htut Aung, said that he “didn’t want to ignite
anti-Chinese sentiment” but only wanted to make clear to China and Burma ’s new government that if the project went ahead, “there
would be an uprising.”
Aung San Suu Kyi, the standard-bearer of Burma ’s resistance to repression and leader of the National
League for Democracy, then threw her moral weight behind dam critics. She wrote an open letter calling on authorities to
reconsider CPI’s project and appeared at a Rangoon art gallery for an exhibition of pictures celebrating the Irrawaddy .
After months of ignoring the clamor, CPI on
Sept. 17 set
up a Web site, www.uachc.com, to give its side of the story
and finally released a previously secret environmental impact study. The Web
site featured photos of new homes, a new hospital, a new church and monastery,
and new roads. The head of CPI’s Yunnan branch, meanwhile, traveled to Naypyidaw to explain that
the dams would provide jobs, “boost the rapid development of the local economy”
and give Burma some electricity “free of charge.” The Chinese Embassy
sponsored a supplement in a Rangoon
newspaper and trumpeted Chinese investment: “Yes to Corporate Social
Responsibility!”
It was too late. On Sept. 30, Thein Sein, the
Burmese president, sent a letter to parliament in Naypyidaw announcing that,
because of “public concerns,” he was suspending the Myitsone dam project. Caught
by surprise despite increasingly loud alarm bells, CPI’s boss in Beijing declared: “I was totally astonished.”