August 24, 2011


[The Pakistani government has branded Mr. Bugti a terrorist, the leader of the militant Baluch Republican Army, and has made no secret of its desire to kill or capture him. It has repeatedly demanded that Afghanistan hand him over and has accused India of supporting Baluch rebels through its consulates in Afghanistan.]
By Carlotta Gall
Bugti tribal militiamen in Dera Bugti in 2006.
The Baluch insurgency has gone on intermittently
for decades but has grown more violent in recent months.
GENEVA — A slim figure in a dark suit, Brahumdagh Bugti, 30, could pass for a banker in the streets of this sedate Swiss city. But in truth he is a resistance leader in exile, a player in an increasingly ugly independence war within Pakistan.
He has been on the run since 2006, when he narrowly escaped a Pakistani Army operation that killed his grandfather and dozens of his tribesmen in the southwestern province of Baluchistan. And since then, the government’s attempt to stamp out an uprising by the Baluch ethnic minority has only intensified, according to human rights organizations and Pakistani politicians.
The Baluch insurgency, which has gone on intermittently for decades, is often called Pakistan’s Dirty War, because of the rising numbers of people who have disappeared or have been killed on both sides. But it has received little attention internationally, in part because most eyes are turned toward the fight against the Taliban and Al Qaeda in Pakistan’s northwestern tribal areas.
Mr. Bugti insists that he is a political leader only, and that he is not taking a role in the armed uprising against the government. He was caught up in a deadly struggle between his grandfather, Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti, a former minister and a leader of the Bugti tribe, and Pakistan’s military leader at the time, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, over control of Baluchistan’s rich natural resources and the establishment of military bases in the province.
Baluch nationalists have never accepted being part of Pakistan and have fought in five uprisings since the country’s formation. Their demands range from greater control over Baluchistan’s gas and natural resources, fairer distribution of wealth (Baluchistan suffers from the lowest health, education and living standards in the country), to outright independence.
When the Pakistani Army shelled their ancestral home in Dera Bugti in December 2005, Mr. Bugti took to the hills with his grandfather, who was 80 and partly disabled, and they camped for months in mountain caves. Then, in August 2006, the military caught up with them. “I escaped, but he could not,” Mr. Bugti said.
From a hide-out two miles away, he watched the military assault, a furious three-day bombardment by attack jets, helicopter gunships and airborne troops. On the evening of the third day, the government triumphantly announced that Nawab Bugti had been killed. Thirty-two tribesmen died with him, Mr. Bugti said. The day after learning of his grandfather’s death, Mr. Bugti gathered his closest tribal leaders, and they urged him to leave and save himself, he said.
Pakistan and neighboring Iran were hostile to the Baluch, and the only place to go was Afghanistan, though it was consumed by the war with the Taliban. It took 19 days, on foot, to trek from a mountain base near Sibi to the Afghan border. But he had an armed tribal force and scouts with him and made the escape without incident, crossing into Afghanistan along a mountain trail, he said.
Although he had few contacts there, tribal links and traditions of hospitality assured him a welcome. He sent for his wife, his two children — a third was born in Afghanistan — and his mother, and after an elaborate dance to confuse government watchers, they crossed the border to join him days later.
Yet Afghanistan was not a safe haven. The family moved about 18 times over the next 18 months, and despite never going outside, he said, they became the target of repeated suicide bomb attacks by the Taliban and Qaeda militants, who they believe were sent by the Pakistani military. At least one bomb attack, in the upscale residential Kabul neighborhood of Wazir Akbar Khan, was specifically aimed at Mr. Bugti, a Western diplomat and an Afghan intelligence official said.
The Pakistani government has branded Mr. Bugti a terrorist, the leader of the militant Baluch Republican Army, and has made no secret of its desire to kill or capture him. It has repeatedly demanded that Afghanistan hand him over and has accused India of supporting Baluch rebels through its consulates in Afghanistan.
Pakistan’s remonstrations over Mr. Bugti became so insistent that the United States and other NATO members urged Afghanistan to move Mr. Bugti elsewhere, Western diplomats and Afghan officials said, speaking on condition of anonymity because of the politics involved. In October 2010, he and his family arrived in Switzerland and sought political asylum.
Though Mr. Bugti says he supports only peaceful political activism rather than armed resistance, he does share the rebels’ demand for independence for the Baluch. “I support the political struggle and the idea for liberation because the Baluch people demand it,” he said.
He formed a political party shortly after his grandfather’s death, distancing himself from the established parties. The manner of his grandfather’s death, his call for political opposition to the government and his youth have won him broad support beyond his own Bugti tribe, among the educated Baluch middle class and student movements and appointed representatives in every district.
“We got a very good response from all the Baluch,” he said.
It proved to him that people in Baluchistan still hoped and believed in political change, he said. Yet government retribution was swift. Eight members of his political party in Baluchistan have been killed, five members of its central committee are missing since its formation in 2007 and the top leaders have been forced into exile. Even the party’s 76-year-old secretary general, Bashir Azeem, was detained for two months in 2009 and tortured — including being beaten and hung upside down, in a case documented by Human Rights Watch.
It is part of an increasingly deadly government crackdown on political and student nationalist leaders in the province over the last 18 months, politicians and human rights officials say. “They are trying to kill the activists, anyone who is speaking out,” Mr. Bugti said.
Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have documented a rising number of abuses by the Pakistani security forces in Baluchistan. Amnesty International describes the use of “kill and dump” tactics, under which activists, teachers, journalists and lawyers, even teenagers, have been detained and their bullet-ridden bodies dumped on roadsides at a rate of about 20 a month in recent months.
Human Rights Watch says hundreds of people have disappeared since 2005 in Baluchistan, and it has documented 45 cases of enforced disappearances and torture by Pakistani security forces in the province in 2009 and 2010. Human Rights Watch has also reported a growing trend of retaliation by armed rebels on non-Baluch settlers, including the targeted killings of 22 teachers.
Despite the end of General Musharraf’s rule and Pakistan’s return to a democratic government in 2008, military repression of the Baluch has only increased, Mr. Bugti and others say. Members of the civilian government say they have no power over the military, and the army is obsessed with crushing an uprising that it sees as an effort by India to undermine Pakistani sovereignty.
Mr. Bugti has called on the United States to end aid to the Pakistani Army, which, he said, was diverting resources from intended counterterrorism goals and using them to suppress the Baluch. “If the U.S. stopped the military and financial assistance, they could not continue their operations for long,” he said.
The increased violence has pushed the Baluch far beyond their original demands for greater autonomy and recognition of their rights and toward an armed independence movement. “Ninety-nine percent of the Baluch now want liberation,” Mr. Bugti said.
“The people are more angry and they will go to the side of those using violence, because if you close all the peaceful ways of struggle, and you kidnap the peaceful, political activists, and torture them to death and throw their bodies on roadsides, then definitely they will go and join the armed resistance groups,” he said.
He sees little hope of change from within Pakistan and seeks intervention by the United Nations and Western nations. “We have to struggle hard, maybe for 1 year, 2 years, 20 years,” he said. “We have to hope.”
@ The New York Times


[Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Tuesday sent a private letter to Mr. Hazare that apparently helped clear the way for direct talks that quickly started between a top government minister and the Hazare camp. Hours later, Mr. Hazare announced to supporters at Ramlila Maidan that he had rejected advice from doctors to begin taking a glucose drip to prevent kidney deterioration.]
By Jim Yardley
NEW DELHI — Aruna Roy’s two cellphones were ringing before breakfast on Tuesday as she braced for another day in the media storm of the Anna Hazare anticorruption movement. Ms. Roy, a pillar of India’s civil society who has fought for greater government accountability, has been appearing on television to talk about Mr. Hazare’s populist campaign, which includes his current hunger strike. She might seem a natural ally.
She is not.
Ms. Roy opposes the negotiating stance taken by Mr. Hazare and his advisers, and opposes their solution to official corruption. Nor is she alone. Much of India’s intelligentsia, if sympathetic to fighting corruption, has greeted the Hazare movement with unease or outright hostility, with one critic describing some elements of the flag-waving, middle-class supporters as an Indian incarnation of the Tea Party.
The strongest criticism is still directed at India’s government leaders, who are blamed for mishandling the crisis and for failing to combat corruption as public disgust deepened in recent years. Yet the strident tone taken by Mr. Hazare and his advisers, their seeming unwillingness to consider other perspectives and their effort to bypass parliamentary processes has brought a wide range of criticism, even from some otherwise natural allies.
“By and large, there is a great deal of concern with the movement and the nature of the movement,” said Zoya Hasan, a political scientist at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi. “Not with the issue. People agree something has to be done and the government hasn’t done enough.”
The immediate question is how to defuse the crisis as Mr. Hazare on Tuesday reached the eighth day of his hunger strike at Ramlila Maidan, the public ground in New Delhi. His Gandhian fasting campaign has attracted huge crowds at peaceful rallies or marches across India in a movement that has startled the political establishment with its size and potency.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Tuesday sent a private letter to Mr. Hazare that apparently helped clear the way for direct talks that quickly started between a top government minister and the Hazare camp. Hours later, Mr. Hazare announced to supporters at Ramlila Maidan that he had rejected advice from doctors to begin taking a glucose drip to prevent kidney deterioration.
“My conscience told me, ‘Why are you scared of dying?’ ” he said in remarks carried on national television. “If you say that you can die for the nation, then why are you scared?”
Beneath the drama, the impasse is actually a legal dispute over whose legislation should be the basis for creating a new, independent anticorruption agency, known as the Lokpal. Mr. Hazare’s team has disparaged a government bill pending in Parliament as deliberately ineffective and intended to protect public officials more than scrutinize them. Many other analysts agree.
Yet many of those same analysts are disturbed by the alternative put forward by Mr. Hazare’s team: an independent agency with sweeping powers and its own vast, nationwide bureaucracy that critics say could exist outside the usual checks of India’s democratic systems.
Arundhati Roy, the leftist writer and outspoken government critic, writing in The Hindu, an English-language newspaper, assailed the Hazare bill as “a draconian anticorruption law, in which a panel of carefully chosen people will administer a giant bureaucracy, with thousands of employees, with the power to police the prime minister, the judiciary, members of Parliament, and all the bureaucracy, down to the lowest government official.”
From a very different place in the political spectrum, Manish Sabharwal, a corporate leader, argued that the Hazare team’s emphasis on creating a super-policing agency is too simplistic and ignores the multitude of steps needed, from reforming election laws to increasing transparency in government contracting.
Perhaps the most widespread criticism, strongly denied by the Hazare team, is that their tactics are undemocratic and represent an attack on India’s lawmaking processes. In particular, critics have pointed to the claim by the Hazare group that their legislation represents the people’s will and should replace the government bill in Parliament. In recent days, they have argued that trying to change the government bill as part of the parliamentary process is futile, and Mr. Hazare has vowed to continue his fast unless his bill is passed in Parliament by Aug. 30.
For Ms. Roy, the civil society leader, criticizing the Hazare proposal means arguing with former allies. She was a leader in the civil society campaign that established India’s Right to Information law, a landmark piece of legislation that allows citizens to demand government information. Two of her allies are now advisers to Mr. Hazare on the Lokpal issue.
Today, Ms. Roy and others are proposing a third option that would create a Lokpal with multiple agencies rather than the all-powerful body envisioned by the Hazare team. Herself a Gandhian, Ms. Roy also questioned the Gandhian credentials of the Hazare movement. “I would say the tactics are Gandhian but the spirit is not,” she said.
So far, the huge crowds turning out for Mr. Hazare have been remarkably well behaved and nonviolent, but some have urged the government to act quickly, cautioning that inaction could cause the situation to spin out of control. Late Tuesday, Mr. Hazare’s advisers said talks with the government side had been constructive, while government leaders announced they would call a meeting of leaders from all political parties on Wednesday to discuss the situation.
As he spoke to the crowd on Tuesday, Mr. Hazare implored his supporters to continue to refrain from violence. But he also asked that they block the gate if anyone from the government comes to take him to a hospital.
“I am not scared of dying,” he said. “Even if I die, I have created lots of Annas to carry on the fight.”
Hari Kumar and Nikhila Gill contributed reporting.