[Reflecting
the diplomatic delicacy of the visit, the 44-minute meeting with the Dalai Lama
— Mr. Obama’s second as president — was closed to the news media. China considers Tibet its territory and the Dalai Lama a separatist, although he
favors self-rule rather than independence.]
By Jackie Calmes
Reflecting
the diplomatic delicacy of the visit, the 44-minute meeting with the Dalai Lama
— Mr. Obama’s second as president — was closed to the news media. China considers Tibet its territory and the Dalai Lama a separatist, although he
favors self-rule rather than independence.
The Dalai
Lama underscored that point in his conversation with Mr. Obama, according to a
White House summary of the meeting. The White House statement also reflected
the delicate balance Mr. Obama sought to strike, saying he expressed “strong
support” for direct talks and a resolution between China and Tibet that protects both Tibetans’ rights and China ’s claim to the territory. But Mr. Obama also “stressed the
importance he attaches to building a U.S.-China cooperative partnership.”
“The
president reiterated his strong support for the preservation of the unique
religious, cultural and linguistic traditions of Tibet and the Tibetan people throughout the world,” the
statement said. “He underscored the importance of the protection of human
rights of Tibetans in China .”
The
meeting came at a particularly delicate time as China , the largest creditor to the United States , has expressed concern about the risk of a default on
American bonds if Mr. Obama and Republicans cannot break their impasse over
raising the nation’s legal debt
limit.
Mr. Obama
declined to meet with the Dalai Lama in his first year as president, in October
2009, drawing international criticism as seeming to put economic interests with
China ahead of human rights. The administration said the two
would meet after Mr. Obama’s first trip a month later to China , where the United States was eager for Chinese cooperation in preventing nuclear
proliferation in North
Korea and Iran . Their introduction came the following February.
The Dalai
Lama, a recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize, has lived in exile in India since 1959, when China repressed a Tibetan uprising. He was in Washington for a Buddhist celebration.
[Moreover, many groups feel marginalized by Beijing ’s policies that regulate minorities. Economic incentives that have lured millions of Han Chinese to the country’s western, southern and northern fringes have created socioeconomic rifts along ethnic lines.]
By
Jonathan Kaiman And Andrew Jacobs
During a
recent music festival the band organized in the suburbs of Beijing , Hanggai stacked the roster with musicians who, like the
band’s members, are known for combining traditional ethnic music with
contemporary genres. There were performances by Mamer, an experimental musician
from the Kazakh border region of China who plays a long-necked lute, and Zhang Quan, a
peripatetic folk singer from the arid northwestern plains.
The event,
undiminished by the erratic sound quality and overpriced food, attracted a
swarm of state security officers who monitored the crowd with suspicion,
impatience and a hint of curiosity.
A growing
roster of alternative performance sites and music festivals has allowed Chinese
ethnic minority musicians like the members of Hanggai to enjoy an unusual
degree of financial security and cultural prominence.
But in
China, where the central government maintains a firm grip on popular media and
cultural events, minority musicians walk a fine line: play it safe and they may
lose their audience; go too far and they may lose their stage.
About 8
percent of China ’s population, or more than 100 million people, belong to
55 state-designated ethnic minority groups. Centuries of isolation and autonomy
have made many of them linguistically and culturally distinct from the majority
Han.
But over
the past 30 years, a variety of social, economic and political forces have
pushed them toward assimilation into mainstream Chinese culture. The lure of
well-paid work in the cities draws young people away from traditional village
life. Television and popular music have eclipsed traditional forms of
entertainment.
Moreover,
many groups feel marginalized by Beijing ’s policies that regulate minorities. Economic incentives
that have lured millions of Han Chinese to the country’s western, southern and
northern fringes have created socioeconomic rifts along ethnic lines.
“There’s a
widespread belief among minorities that Han have an unfair advantage in terms
of getting better employment and opportunities in minority areas,” said Dru
Gladney, an expert on Chinese minorities at Pomona College in California . Such resentments, he added, were an underlying factor in
recent uprisings in Tibet and the western region of Xinjiang, where rioting by
ethnic Uighurs claimed hundreds of lives, most of
them Han Chinese.
In its
official media, the Communist Party seeks to paint a very different picture.
At the
forefront of state-sponsored minority representation are the “song and dance
troupes” that appear regularly on television. These shows portray minorities as
exotic and unthreatening — with bright clothes and wide smiles and who are
fanatical about singing and dancing. Many disparate minority groups often
perform on stage together to symbolize ethnic harmony. Songs are often
performed in Mandarin.
The lyrics
are frequently apolitical paeans to the rugged allure of China ’s borderlands. In 2009, the Mongolian singer Wulan Tuoya
had a major hit with the crisp, karaoke-friendly “I Want to Go to Tibet .” The song’s music video looks like a public relations
campaign for Tibetan tourism, juxtaposing government-financed group dances with
video clips of the Beijing-Lhasa express train.
The status
quo poses a challenge to those who wish to perform traditional songs as they
are, with lyrics often describing less salubrious aspects of minority life.
“About 80
percent of my songs are about hardship,” said Aojie a Ge, a Beijing-based
musician from the Yi minority of southwest China . “But can I perform these songs? Of course not. I still
need to survive.”
Mr. Aojie
rose to national fame in the late 1990s with the pop trio Mountain Eagle. Although he grew up in the Liangshan Prefecture of
Sichuan Province, one of the country’s poorest regions, he has largely
assimilated to city life. He wears shoulder-length dreadlocks and designer
jeans. His celebrity has earned him a prestigious job directing programs for a
performance group affiliated with the All China Federation of Trade Unions, a
government institution.
Many such
programs are political in nature: Mr. Aojie recently returned from a week in Yunnan Province , where he helped local entrepreneurs develop a program
promoting patriotic songs.
While Mr.
Aojie enjoys the stability and prestige associated with his position, he is
aware of the artistic limits imposed by the authorities. The government, for example,
ultimately decides where he can perform, as well as the language of his songs.
“Of
course, I have objections,” Mr. Aojie said. “In other countries, you can raise
them. Here, you can’t.”
But some
minority musicians have succeeded in carving out an alternate path.
Take, for
example, Shanren, or “mountain people,” another band that has become known for
its eclectic style — songs move fluidly from electronica to reggae to metal —
and arrangements inspired by traditional music from the country’s ethnically
diverse southwest, a mélange of loose falsetto harmonies and twangy pentatonic
lutes.
Growing up
in a poor and mountainous village in southwest Guizhou Province , said the band’s lead multi-instrumentalist, Xiao Budian,
a music career was beyond imagination. The son of a cow herder and member of
the tiny Buyi minority, Mr. Xiao left home on his 19th birthday, spending his
high school tuition fees on a one-way train ticket to Beijing . “I wanted to see what was on the other side of the
mountain,” he said.
Mr. Xiao
initially lived with his older brother, a rock musician who had amassed a
collection of foreign music and movies during his years in the capital. One
day, Mr. Xiao heard Bob Dylan singing “Blowin’ in the Wind” in a documentary
about World War II. “It was so simple, just a voice, a guitar and a harmonica,”
he said. “But its power was tremendous. It was like an atom bomb.”
From their
vantage point outside government channels, Shanren can breach subjects off
limits to musicians like Mr. Aojie.
For example,
“30 Years” is a Shanren song based on a Yi folk tune. Qu Zihan, the band’s
frontman, changed the lyrics to reflect the difficulty of finding good work and
love in the big city.
“Even
though we have rebellious things in our music, they’re really not so obvious,”
Mr. Qu said. “We just want to approach things from a different angle, to make
people think.”
Last
month, a few hundred foreigners and young Chinese packed a popular bar to see
Hanggai play a final set in Beijing before
embarking on a national tour. Projectors washed the stage with glimpses of lush
grass hills, blue skies and galloping horse — a subtle reminder of what many
Mongolians say is being destroyed by a coal boom orchestrated by Han mining
companies.
After each
song, fans from the band members’ hometowns in the Inner Mongolia Autonomous
Region climbed on stage to present multicolored silk scarves to the band, a
traditional gesture of respect. When Huricha, one of the band’s vocalists,
growled, “We will bring you to the grasslands,” the audience burst into
applause.
But such
flourishes of ethnic pride are counterbalanced by moments of uncertainty. At a
Hanggai show in Shanghai the following week, one night after Shanren played on the
same stage to a sold-out crowd, the police stopped the show after the opening
act, saying there had been complaints about the noise.
The band
was disappointed but forbearing. “They don’t need to control everything the way
they do,” Ilchi, the band’s leader, said later. “Rock concerts are very safe.
It’s only music after all.”