KASHMIR, KALHAN’S RAJTARANGINI AND THE 'MAGAR KING ARAMUDI' IN OBSCURE HISTORY

[There have been lots of research works on Mongols and Magyars but not that much on Mongols and the Magars of the Himalayan region. Some  Hungarian scholars believe their ancestors were from Central Asia and that is why (Alexander)Sándor Csoma de Körös went to the Himalayas in search of his ancestors but died en route in Darjeeling in 1842.]

By B. K. Rana 

Aramudi, a name of considerable significance in the 8^th century Himalayan history, particularly the history of Kashmir, hence both Nepal and India’s also but little explored and analyzed, still  romanticizes historians, researchers and general readers alike in the region. Historians have diverging views on “King Aramudi, who ruled Nepal, and who was possessed of wisdom and prowess, wished to prevail over him (King Jayapida) by cleverness”[1]. Whether this “famous king of Nepaldesh”[2]  was a king or a local ‘chieftain’[3] in the Kali Gandaki region, has been a question among the authorities. Marc Aurel Stein, who first translated Kalhan’s Rajtarangini into English approves of the battle of Kaligandaki in between Aramudi and Jayapida which Sylvain Levi has doubted. King Aramudi seems to have fallen prey to ‘Project Hinduization’ (Gurung, 1989)[4] or come within the virtual boundary of cultural modernization (Thapa, 2006)[5] in the country. If we believed in Levi’s discussion then Aramudi appears to us to be a Tibetan administrator posted at Kali Gandaki Region(Levi 1905 -08)[6]. Following, the Levian footmarks, multitudes of others have also nominated Aramudi to be a Tibetan administrator. Does King Aramudi’s battle with Kashmiri King Jayapida in Kali Gandaki belong to “domain of romance” ?[7] This question leads us to search through an obscure part of the Himalayan history relating to Kashmir’s also, which is made full of controversies by different scholars. I shall, in this paper, briefly attempt again[8]  to explore him in the ‘dark age of Nepalese history’[9] from a long range perspective.

         

Whether King or Chieftain?

Eminent historians of Nepal seem reluctant to offer some importance or reference to Aramudi. Most of them either shy away from or simply despise his name and ambiguously and unconvincingly write he was king ‘Varmdev[10] of Nepal’, which this author had also mentioned in a short note, now deems as historically incorrect[11]. But, Kalhan has designated him “a famous king of Nepal”[12] and also sung his glory along with Kashmiri King Jayapida in Rajtarangini’s chapter 4 – from  verses 531 to 586 - the history of Kings of Kashmir[13]. There are perceivable reasons behind Nepalese historians’ such a demonstrated reluctance:

a)Firstly, the name – Aramudi -  itself.  It is a Tibeto-Burman name suffixed with ‘di’.  Truly so, it is  an unconventional name, not being in Sanskrit, given the prominence of Sanskrit language in South Asian history and contemporary society;

b)If it were a different Sanskrit name instead, there would have possibly been a general consensus in recognizing him as a powerful king of Nepal;

c)If there were no mentioning of Kali Gandaki river in Rajtarangini, historians would have found an alley to bring him to Nepal – meaning present day - Kathmandu[14] - the seat of Nepalese civilization dating back at least up to 3rd century BC.[15];

d)‘Aramudi’ sounds an indigenous Magar name with an inflection ‘di’ suggesting – ‘water’ and also ‘river’. With the ‘di’ suffix, we may observe very common Sanskrit word ‘nadi’ > na+di; in which ‘na’ itself is not Sanskrit ‘negative’ in  this word[16]. (But in Tibetan water is ‘chu’. Tamangs and Gurungs call ‘kyu’ Cf. Magar ‘di’. More discussion to follow)

e)There is no history of Aramudi in Nepal.

Kali Gandaki Region : Traditional Homeland of the Magars:

Quite a few Nepalese historians have ever ventured to guesstimate that Aramudi was a Magar King by his ethnic origin because he hailed from Kaligandaki region or defeated Kashmiri king Jayapida on the bank of Kaligandaki River, or the mid-west Nepal which is primarily a traditional homeland of the Magars. But they have not  definitively mentioned him as a Magar by his origin. Given that the battle had taken place in the Magar heartland, we may therefore require to understand about the Magars of the Kali Gandaki region as well. The Magars are divided basically into seven groups or clans, with equal social standing, whom I shall put here in alphabetical order :  Ale, Budhathoki (cf. Budha), Gharti, Pun, Rana, Roka and Thapa. However, the ‘Budhathokis’ of mid-west Nepal and ‘Budhas’ of the west Nepal should be understood as the same Magar group[17].

The mid-west Nepal is traditional homeland of the Gurungs also. What is even interesting here is that Gurungs were also understood as the ‘Huns’[18] but they do not have ‘Pun’[19] sub-clan like the  Magars do have.  And these Gurungs are also divided  into ‘Char Jat’ > ‘4 castes’ and ‘Sorah Jat’ > ‘16 castes’ in which persisted debate until 1828 on relative status among the Gurungs themselves[20]. This ‘relative status’ among the Gurungs was derived from Hindu fourfold for ‘Char Jat’  > ‘4 Jats’ apparently making superior to other ‘16 Jats’ from ‘Bhasa Vamsavali’s marginalized ethnic or caste minorities of 13 are identifiable as inferior’ (Gurung – 1998).

Emergence of Shah Dynasty:

Kul Mandan Shah, the founder of Shah Kingdom of Kashki[21], is depicted to have defeated ‘Hun nrpati’ > ‘Hun King’  > ‘Gurung King’ of Midwest Nepal[22]. These Shah kings moved further eastward defeating other Gurung Kings of Lamjung and Gorkha also. With support from the Magars, Drabya Shah also defeated a Magar king of Gorkha to found Gorkha Kingdom and start Shah dynasty in 1559. The Magars were offered very important roles in the government. Kaji Sarbjit Rana Magar was appointed ‘Mool Kaji’[23]  in 1778. One of the prominent contenders for the premiership of Nepal, General Abhiman Singh Rana Magar was killed in the Kot Massacre of 1846. With gruesome night of the Kot Massacre, the Ranas came to power to rule Nepal for 104 years. The Shah kings remained ‘kings only within the royal palace’ with  no executive powers at all until 1950. As the British Indian Empire fell apart in 1947, democracy entered Nepal in 1950. From 1950 until 1990 the Shah kings of Nepal ruled at their will. The 1990 people’s movement for democracy brought about a major political change in Nepal. A new constitution was promulgated making the king constitutional monarch. King Birendra transformed himself into a constitutional monarch whose entire family was massacred again in Nepal Durbar  on June 1, 2001. The Maoists people’s war had already ravaged the country. After the death of his brother, Gyanendra Shah ascended the throne of kingdom of Nepal. Again in 2005 the last Shah King Gyanendra took over only to get overthrown by the people’s another revolution. The Shah dynasty got  uprooted from Nepal in 2008.

The kings of the Gurungs were called ‘Ghaleys’[24]. Towards east of Kashki at Pojo in Lamjung was a Gurung King. His name was ‘Paichan Ghaley’[25]. He was also subdued by the Shah Kings. It is in obscurity whether those Gurungs also had any relationship with King Aramudi in discussion. Further to Magar and Gurungs, we need to seriously study Tamangs also in that something meaningful could be explored from this dark age of Nepalese history because ‘Ghaley’ is also one of the clans of the Tamangs. Culturally and linguistically and by origin also Tamangs and Gurungs are very much closely related.

Kalhan’s Rajtarangini and Aramudi:

Now, let us take a look at Kalhan’s Rajtarangini to examine whether Aramudi was a ‘King’ or  ‘local chieftain’ of Kali Gandaki region, district or protectorate. We may not just sit and nod our head in acceptance or rejection what famed orientalist like Sylvain Levi[26], historians like Dilli Raman Regmi have attested for Aramudi in their monumental works. We need to review such works in sociolinguistic frame works also. These two historians’ evaluation of Aramudi also has brought about some disagreements among Nepalese historians. There should not have been any controversies like this as he is definitively revered and addressed as ‘King Aramudi’ in the Rajtarangani, Part IV, page 172, verse 558. Doesn’t it suffice for him to be recognized as a King ? What words or phrases would have required for him to definitively become a king by other words than ‘king’ itself ? Did Kalhan misunderstand or mislead instead for him to becoming a local chieftain. If it were so, why didn’t the poet have written ‘chieftain’ instead a king ? Regmi does not seem to be prepared to crown Aramudi but of course leans towards telling him a Magar Chieftain[27]. A noted  geographer, Hark Gurung, estimates Sylvain Levi working in the ‘Project Hinduization’. The Project Hinduization is understood in Nepal by the indigenous peoples today as a tool ‘to unify Nepalese people under a banner of one language and culture – Nepali, which virtually helped devalue or suppress others in the country. Levi also doesn’t seem to be believing in Kalhan’s authority of Kashmir’s history and therefore dismisses the poet as having forged, Aramudi, a humorous name for his poetry. The question is  - ‘why would Kalhan have needed to forge any  such local name which has utter singularity and barbarism within itself ? Also Levi doesn’t have any reasonable explanation why he thought  ‘Aramudi’ a ‘humorous name’ in the poetry. This leads us to believe, Levi lacked fundamental knowledge of formative processes of Nepalese nation, which is still in vogue  replacing indigenous and historic names by Sanskritized ones. As of the singularity in Levi’s question, the Gurung King of Lamjung has also ‘barbarous’ sounding name - “Paichan Ghaley” – one would virtually anticipate to not occur in Sanskrit. Further to it Shohab Rana Magar of Dullu Dailekh may be taken for an example. He is definitively written ‘Magwar bisaya’, ‘shri bhavo nayaka’> administrator of Magwar > Magar district or region or protectorate’(Rana 2003)[28]

Aramudi : Why  A ‘Barbarous Twist’ ?

The name for the king who defeated  Kashmiri King Jayapida on the banks of Kali Gandaki might have seemed ‘barbarous’ in its linguistic form to Sylvain Levi who was understandably exploring oriental history and culture with his assistants well versed in Sanskrit but possibly lacking fundamental knowledge of other languages and cultures out of Kathmandu Valley. It is also understandable that he was permitted by then government of Nepal to stay and research the cultural diversity of the country. He should have obtained a governmental guide line also to simply despise indigenous people’s history, languages and cultures in the country. And here the phonemes in ‘Aramudi’ might have therefore sounded to him not only non-Sanskritic or uncivilized or unusual and uncommon but in his own word very ‘barbarous’ also. Truly the name word offers us some clues to understand the victor’s history provided we studied it at its morphophonemic level also. At the morphophonemic level in ‘Aramudi’ - there are four morphemes or segments  ‘a’ + ‘ra’ + ‘mu’ + di’ or ‘mo + di’. If we conjugated these four morphemes into intelligible sounds: it would either become “aramu + di” or “ara’ + ‘mudi or modi”. In Magar language of Kali Gandaki region ‘aramu’ or ‘armu’ means ‘sweet smell’ and ‘di’ means ‘water’ - hence literally “aramu + di” means ‘sweet smelling water’ – which should also mean - ‘sweet tasting spring water, also in Nepali > ‘jharanako mitho pani’. It is a Tibeto-Burman word by its family Levi had understood at least by the final segment ‘di’, however, it seems he had difficulty in analyzing the initial and middle ‘aramu or armu’ segments. The ‘di’ in ‘Aramudi’ is definitively suggestive of ‘water’ in the Magar language[29]. This is why, Levi understands, Aramudi as a Tibetan name but lacks fundamental meaning of ‘di’ in Magar language. He can not differentiate between Magar ‘di’ and Tibetan ‘chu’ for water. As in different parts of the world, indigenous peoples of Nepal have also named rivers, mountains, plants etc. in their own specific ethnic terms that they belonged to. They have named many villages with prefix denoting ‘water’. So water element is prevalent in naming place names in Nepal. For example there is a village in Sindhupalnchok named in Tamang language - ‘Kiyul’ – ‘kyu’ > water, ‘yul’> village. In the Kali Gandaki region and western Nepal, names for rivers, small streams, towns and villages are still in Magars language. Such as Marshyang+di river in Tanahu, ‘Lang+di’, ‘Darang+di’; ’Lun+di’ in Gorkha, ‘Hosrang+di’ village in Parbat, Chhang+di in Tanahu, ‘Argaun+di’ village, ‘Hug+di’ in Plapa district.  These are only few names here to understand how the ‘di’ element has influenced the ancient and contemporary history and society of Nepal.

This author had once to visit Argali Village of Palpa district on the bank of Kaligandaki River in 1983. It is close to the confluence of Ridi Khola and Kaligandaki River in discussion. In the north western side, of this village is Gulmi district and to the north  on the other bank of the river is Syangja district. Syangja is also densely populated by the Magars. In east of the Argali Village stands a cone shaped relatively small hill. The local Brahmin people, in answer to my question, had told me that the village received its name after a famous sage. They further told, once upon a time a Hindu sage ‘Aurga’ had his ‘Ashram’ on the top of the hill. The sage was very popular and thus the village received its name after him and became ‘Argali’ – the local people told me. This name word ‘Aurga’ has also borne Aramudi’s  first syllable that therefore leads us to think whether the sage was Aramudi himself by any chance. In the present day Gulmi district, there are few villages that have also derived initial sounds from ‘Aramudi’ such as: Arkhle, Arkhabang, Arje, Arbeni and Arbathok villages. These village names are also something important in this discussion.    

Another prominent Sanskritist, Michael Witzel, tends to think Aramudi was Magar King of Kaligandki region. He digs deep into Panini’s grammar to find a 5^th century B.C. tradition in South Asia of naming a king after his own tribal name or the tribe he governed. His suggestion is that Aramudi also seems to have received his name from the tribe he had governed, meaning, the Magars in the Kali Gandaki Region. He further offers a reference from Buddhist MS for ‘Gadigulma’ and ‘Gadigulmavisaya’ found in two documents of 998 and 1165 A.D. The present day ‘Gulmi’ is a place name of considerable significance for the Magars as it used to be one of the ‘Barha Magarats’ or the confederation of twelve Magar kingdoms or principalities.[30]  Here ‘Gadigulma’ in Gulmi district on the west bank of Kali Gandki river should suffice to attest Aramudi's ‘singular shining’ as a king in the dark age of Nepalese history.[31]

Aramudi’s Water Element from a Hungarian Perspective:

The water element discussed above is present in the name of  a Hungarian king also. In Hungarian ‘Itil’ or ‘Etel’ or ‘Etil’ or ‘Atil’ means river, especially the holy one. The great Hungarian King Atilla (406–453),   derived his name from the river Atil. Here a parallel may be drawn between King Atilla and King Aramudi for having their names so closely related with water. Now, in the initial and middle  segments of Aramudi, both "armu" and "aramu" sounds are somewhat similar to Hungarian "iramló" and "áramló" also. In Hungarian language "iramló" or  "áramló” means "flowing of" especially water, but spirit or electricity also. The Holy River is basic to the fertility of the land. When there is no water no plants will grow. In Hungarian tradition water refers also to ‘father’ who reproduces progenies. Sprinkling water to ensure women’s fertility is an ancient Sumerian rite, still a living tradition in Hungary. In Easter men go to women telling a short poem, possibly few words for fertility in the past, and sprinkle them with water " to ensure women's fertility”[32]. Then the men receive painted eggs in return. The Easter eggs are, Christ’s resurrection and  fertility symbols[33].

The Northern Magars, or the Magars of western Nepal also have ‘water sprinkling’ tradition which some Hungarians may find ‘culturally parallel’ with their ‘Easter water sprinkling tradition’. No such parallel can be drawn here but it marks the  end of mourning of a deceased and coming to normal life; a boisterous party held to honour the dead and ‘return to normal pleasure, sexual games are permitted only between potential spouses’[34] (Oppitz, 1980).

Mongols, Magyars, Zhang Zhung and Sumerian Antiquity:

There have been lots of research works on Mongols and Magyars but not that much on Mongols and the Magars of the Himalayan region. Some  Hungarian scholars believe their ancestors were from Central Asia and that is why (Alexander)Sándor Csoma de Körös went to the Himalayas in search of his ancestors but died en route in Darjeeling in 1842[35]. 

As discussed above Aramudi’s ‘armu’ is ‘sweet smell’ which also exactly corresponds with Greek ‘aroma’ > sweet smell’. If we stretch further back, we may come into a coincidence of coincidence in Sumerian language also (5000 BC). The Sumerian language was later replaced by Akkadian language[36]. It may sound ambitious here but still, curiosity may lead us to check  Sumerians "Dilmun" meaning “pure queen” or "pure water"  or “sweet water” in Aramudi’s context. Csaba Hargita  argues  these linguistic similarities clearly indicate “a connection between Mesopotamia and the heart of Asia, the region where Dilmun might be located, the place in the east wherefrom Sumerians claimed to have arrived after the Flood. Let us here recall that till the 8th century AD the lingua franca in the Tibetan/Mongolian area was Zhang Zhung, from the name of a people who controlled the area politically and culturally for a long time, and whose origin seems to have been in the region of the Anye Machen (the region where Ziusudra/Utnapishtim survived). Now in Zhang Zhung ‘di’ means blue while ‘mun’ means sky, which would provide a perfect identification for Tibeto-Mongolian part of Asia, where the sky is a deep blue due to both the elevation and absence of humidity.”[37] But this hypothesis is also both ambitious and full of challenges requiring much hard work to secure epigraphic and archaeological evidence.

Project Hinduization and Its Effects on Aramudi:

Aramudi seems to have fallen prey to ‘Project Hinduization’ as hinted in the beginning of this paper. “Hinduization in the hills gained momentum after the Muslim onslaught from the  tenth century onwards. With Muslim advance further east, the retreat of Hindus to hill sanctuaries became a regional phenomenon”[38]. The spread of Hinduism as a religious ideology was a necessary phenomenon for the  government to unite the country. The promulgation of Muluki Ain (Country Code) in 1854 had become necessary for the Rana rulers to stick unto power ( 1846 – 1950). The Ranas had to have a perfect relationship with the East India Company in Delhi, without the latter’s support the former could not hold ground for long. In the meantime, they had to impose Hindu caste rules, which however, were already introduced by a Malla king – Jayasthiti Malla (1382-95). The western enthusiasts had therefore to follow the government policy which Sylvain Levi could not have altered for himself. The “barbarous’ name only should have not induced Levi to designate Aramudi a Tibetan administrator.   From the beginning of 7^th to almost to the end of 9^th century, Tibet also had exercised hegemony over Nepal. In the 8^th century Arimudi confronted with Kashmiri king Jayapida. “Tibetan power still impressed Nepal. The 879 AD marks the beginning of Nepali Era and appears to be the date of Nepal’s emancipation from Tibet’s overlordship”[39]. But Levi’s conclusion of Tibetan suzerainty seems to be supplied by the name of the Nepal King Aramudi, is rather difficult to conceive on the geographical and historical setting. Why would Tibet send so far south while the Bhotan district was so close to Valley of Nepal ?[40]

Aramudi, Baradev and Dual Rule:

Some Nepalese historians have also written that Aramudi was none other than king Baradev of Nepal. During the battle of Kaligandaki, Nepal was ruled by King Baradev who had made Lalitpattan, present day Lalitpur, his capital.

Historians differ on whether Aramudi in fact ruled Kathmandu Valley or Kali Gandaki Region referring to his unusual name not to be found in the list of the rulers of ancient Nepal. The usual names for the kings of Nepal ( Kathmandu Valley) used to be in Sanskrit language. This tradition continued until the overthrow of the last monarch in 2006. Therefore, this hypothesis may not be proven to be true on the points discussed above.

In the Kali Gandaki Region there used to be many small kingdoms/principalities much later than Aramudi : such as twelve different principalities, which were called Twelve Magarat (Twelve Magar Kingdoms) and Eighteen Magarat (Eighteen Magar Kingdoms) and the rulers of these kingdoms or principalities’ are treated as Kings in Nepalese history. For example, as discussed earlier, there was a Magar king in Gorkha, who was killed by Drabya Shah in 1559. No epigraphic or archaeological evidence on the slain Magar king is available except for few derogative remarks in the Gorkhavamshavali – the only genealogy of Shah Kings of Nepal, regarded as authentic document, compiled in between 1837 and 1842. In the genealogy the slain King of Gorkha has been offered a title “Khadga Raja’ > ‘Khadga King” or ‘Khadga Magar King’ but few historians have some kind of difficulty in recognizing Aramudi as a king, instead they give him another name Baradev, on which Kalhan is silent. This kind of academic exercise falls into the category of project Hinduization, which Levi introduced in Nepal, rejecting individual existence of indigenous language and culture in the multhi-ethnic, nulti-religious and multi-lingual country of Nepal.

Conclusion:

Up till now, no epigraphic evidence to attest Aramudi’s rule in Kali Gandaki Region have been discovered so far. Neither have we discovered other archaeological evidence in regard with Aramudi and Kali Gandaki region. But we have abundant of hydronyms and toponyms that suggest the battle was actually fought in between King Aramudi and Kashmiri King Jayapida as depicted in Rajtarangini. Archaeological explorations therefore, around the Kali Gandaki Region, specifically around Ridi Khola and Kali Gandaki River’s confluence seem imperative.

Since, there is a Hindu Temple in Ridi that should also have something to tell about this episode. Except for the “Stone house” as mentioned in Rajtarangini, Buddhist MS’s for ‘Gadigulma’ and ‘Gadigulmavisaya’  also  hold  deep water in this regard.  The Palpali King ‘Mukunda Sen is described as a “Sen Magar” in Naradsmriti Granth. He waged war against Nepal [Kathmandu Valley] twice in 1521 Bikram Era and on Chaitra 11,1522 Bikram Era. He is described as ‘Magar Rajadhiraj Mukunda Sen’ > His Majesty Magar King Mukund Sen. The Gopal Rajvamsavali also cites Sens as Magars. There are some Sen Magars in Nepal today”[41]. The kingdom of Palpa falling within Kali Gandaki Region near ‘Gadigulm’ or present Gulmi district in Nepal may have been Aramudi and his descendant’s kingdom also.  

References:

Acharya Shastri, Hanuman Prasad (1968): Kashmiretihas, Editor in Chief, Mandan Mioshra, Mimamsa Sahitycharya, Delhi, India

Agrawal, Ramesh Chandra (1998):  Kashmir and its monumental glory,  Aryan Books International

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Gurung, Hark (1998): Nepal Social Demography & Expressions, New ERA, Kathmandu.

Hargita, Csaba and Sandor, Avraham (2009): Myths, Hypothesis and Facts, Concerning the Origins of Peoples http://www.imninalu.net/myths-Huns.htm also in “Kristi”, Abha Prakashan, S-6 Second Floor, Pankaj Plaza, 7, MLU Pocket – VII Sector – 12, Dwarka, Delhi – 110075, India. http://www.abhaprakashan.com/ 

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Kalhana's Rajatarangini: A Chronicle of the Kings of Kasmir (Sanskrit Version)  Translated By M.A. Stein – Google Book

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Lévi, Sylvain (1905 – 08): Le Népal: Étude historique d’un royaume hindou, vol 2 - 1905–08, Paris ( Translated version in Ancient Nepal, Department of Archaeology, Kathmandu)

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Regmi, Jagadish Chandra, (2053): Lichhivi Itihas – Center for Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan University.

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[1]. Kalhana's Rajatarangini: A Chronicle of the Kings of Kashmir – Google Books – PP 170 http://tinyurl.com/3xvaneu

[2]. Karna Singh – Kashmiretihas (History of Kashmir) – pp 99

[3]   Dilli Raman Regmi says he was a Magar Chief :http://www.dilliramanregmi.org/ancientnepal/content/content2.html

[4]   Hark Gurung: In reviewing the sweep of Nepalese history, Sylvain Levi, characterized the country as an “India in the making’ PP 188

[5]  Govinda P. Thapa : “One of the major themes in the history of Nepal has been the transmission of influences” into an original culture. http://magarstudiescenter.org/wp-content/uploads/2010/03/magar-history-revisited-latest.pdf

[6]  Aramudi has been considered a Tibetan by Sylvain Levi – Le Nepal PP 176.

[7]  V. A. Smith  - 1908: “The legend of his expedition against a king of Nepal, with the strange name  Aramudi, of his capture and imprisonment in a stone castle, and of his marvellous escape, equally belongs to the domain of romance.”

[8]. Please refer to author’s short article https://sites.google.com/site/rana1616/king-aramudi-and-other-magar-rulers-of-nepal

[9]. From 9^th to 11^th centuries, nothing has been explored so far of Nepal’s history. Therefore this period is also understood as the Dark Age in Nepalese history.

[10] “King Jayapid of Kashmir invaded Nepal at the beginning of the 9^th century.¹⁶ He was resisted by King Varmadev of Nepal on the banks of a river beyond the Gandaki” – Regmi Research - 1970 PP 3  Wordfile.

[11]  “Some historians write Aramudi was also known as Baradeva1[1] [Barah Dev?]. He had made Lalitpattan, present day Lalitpur, his capital.” https://sites.google.com/site/rana1616/king-aramudi-and-other-magar-rulers-of-nepal

[12].  Sanchhipta Magar Itihas ( A Concise History of Magars) – pp 25. Op cit “ atha armudi itii prasidhow mayabi nepaldesasya raja jayapidmabhisandhatumaichhat’ – Kashmiretihas – pp 99

[13] Kalhana’s Rajtarangini is the oldest written authority for the history of various dynasties that ruled Kashmir from the earliest period until Shaka Year of 1070

[14].  The present day Kathmandu used to be then Kingdom of Nepal, believed to be founded by a sage named ‘Nemuni’. The naming of Kingdom of Nepal after ‘Nemuni’ has also been contested

[15]. King Ashok visited Nepal and gave away his daughter Charumati to a local prince and developed few towns in the valley 249 BC.

[16]. However, without Magar ‘di’ ‘na’ can become ‘negative’ in Sanskrit.

[17]. Budhathokis are little vague to understand as the Rana and Thapa Magars. This  Budhathoki surname  refers to some Chhetris also. The author has met some Budhathokis, who are   Shaukas in Rapla, Darchula District near the Tibetan border in between Nepal and India. But ‘Budha’ basically suggests Magars in Kham speaking areas.

[18]. Janak Lal Sharma has also guesstimated Gurungs  to be  Huns  in his book Hamro Samaj: Ek Addhyan – 2036. 

[19]. Cf. ‘Hun’ and ‘Pun’

[20]. The first documentary evidence is a tamra-patra (copper plate) of 1828 which proclaimed that all Gurungs were of equal  status. – Hark Gurung  - 1998 - PP 193

[21]. Some 200 kilometers west of Kathmandu today

[22]. “Gorakshyarajvanshavali’ – Dharani Dhar Sharma – Lichhavi Itihas – pp 200

[23]  There were no Prime Ministers in those days. Mool Kaji used to be like a prime minister. Rishikesh Shah – An Introduction to Nepa. 1975 PP33

[24]. Ghaleys mean Rajas > kings. These Ghaleys are still called ‘Ghale Rajas’  among the Gurungs. Iman Singh Chemjong also writes Aramudi a Gurung kingm which is not true.

[25]. Ghaley Vansawali – Narahari Nath Yogi. Also see Krishna Bhadur Gurung. Iman Sing Chemjong thinks Aramudi was a Gurung king, which is not very true.

[26]. An orientalist and indologist http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sylvain_L%C3%A9vi  “Aramudi does not figure, it is true among the kings of Nepal, and the barbarous twist of his name, is out of Sanskrit names of authentic kings, but the very singularity of this name recommends it to one’s attention: a story teller in the humour for an invention would have forged the name of the Nepalese king on the prevailing type. Thus proceeds for instance, the poet of the Bharat Katha. The strange consonance of the word Aramudi can conceal a Tibetan name. The Tibetan protectors of Nepal and keen on protecting their Southern frontiers against the renewed enterprises of Kashmere, would have perhaps taken upon themselves the defense of the vassal territory and opposed to Jayapida one of their own generals. In any case, it is impossible not to recognize in the river Kali Gandaki, in the most western of the seven Gandakis, it is, in fact, the first barrier, where a Nepalese army must attempt to stop an invader come from the west and the mountains ” – Sylvain Levy - Ancient Nepal,  Journal of the Department of Archaeology, Number 61-64, December 1980 – July 1981. 

[27] Dilli Raman Regmi says he was a Magar Chief :http://www.dilliramanregmi.org/ancientnepal/content/content2.html

[28]. Wikipedia: Notable Magars http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Magars#Notable_Magars

[29].  Water  - in east en Magar language is ‘di’, western ‘ri’ > they  both have same philological value.. Shaukas of Byas  have  ‘ti’  all these three ‘di’,’ri’ and ‘ti’ have same philological values. But water  in  both Gurung and Tamang languages   ‘kyu’.

[30]. 1) Satung 2) Paiyung 3) Bhirkot 4)Dhor 5)Garhung 6)Rishing 6)Ghiring 8) Gulmi 9)Argha 10) Khachi 11) Musikot 12) Ishma.

[31].  In South Asia, people name their kings after the name of the tribe or people they govern. A conspicuous example from early India is that supplied by Panini's grammar, 4.1.175, (5th cent. B.C.) which teaches that the Kamboja (in E. Afghanistan) call their king by the same name. Alexander fought, in the eastern Panjab with king Poros. This, obviously, is a Greek transcription of the Rgvedic tribal name Pūru. The word underlying the name of king Abisarẽs (Arrianus, Anabasis 4.27.7 etc.), he meets in the same area re-appears in the Rajataranginī under its proper Sanskrit form (Darva)-abhisara, Greek (gen. pl.) Abissareōn, (Arrianus, Indika 4.12). Closer to Nepal, we find, in the Pali Canon, a king named Mahakosala, "the great Kosala", called after his country, Kosala.  After king Jayapīda had fought another enemy, called Bhīmasena, "in the eastern region", a battle between the Kashmiri king and the "Nepalese king" Aramudi took place on the Kala-Gandika, the modern Kali Gandaki. The Kashmiri king was defeated and kept a prisoner in a fortress built high above the bank of the Kalagandika. The place where the Kashmiri king was kept temporarily is called by Kalhana ‘aśma-veśman’ "stone house". In modern Nepal, there is a Gulmi district, situated on the west bank of the Kali Gandaki; Gadigulma is already known from two documents of 998 and 1165 A.D.40 and Gadigulmavisaya, a district, is mentioned in a Buddhist ms. of 1092/3 A.D. Now, gulma means "police station, toll station", and M. R. Pant conjectures that king Aramudi's "stone house" is intended here”. - Michael Witzel - Nepal Past and Present - CNRS Editions 1990.

[32] Casba Hargita – Email discussion

[33]  Hungarians sprinkle fertility  water to  women. Watch video http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=g2B3oJBTyqY

[34]  Shamans of the Blind  Country. Watch video: http://vimeo.com/3198388

[35]  Csaba Hargita – Email discussion

[36]  CF.  Akkha > alphabet in Magar language. ‘Akkharika’ > to write.

[37]  Csaba Hargita  - Email discussion

[38]  Gurung, 1998 – p 188

[39] Andre Wink:  From beginning of 7^th to almost to end of 9^th century, Tibet also exercised hegemony over Nepal. In the 8^th century Arimudi confronted with Kashmiri king Jayapida. Under Khri Lde sron-brtsan (816-38) Tibetan power still impressed Nepal. The 879 AD marks  the beginning of Nepali Era and appears to be the date of Nepal’s emancipation from Tibet’s over lordship’

[40] Luciano Petech -1984  PP 28

[41] See King Aramudi And Other Magar Rulers Of Nepal by B. K. Rana  https://sites.google.com/site/rana1616/king-aramudi-and-other-magar-rulers-of-nepal