By
Vidhi Doshi
The
national election comes as China is expanding its influence across Asia , including by ramping up investments in Nepal — a development that analysts say has
rattled India , long the dominant Asian power in the
country.
“Nepal has been liberated from dependency on only
one neighbor,” Left Alliance leader Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli said to a cheering
crowd at a recent campaign rally in the city of Pokhara .
The
Left Alliance has campaigned on a call to counter India ’s dominance in Nepal with Chinese power. On the other side, incumbent
Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, who is widely thought to be pro-India, has
called for balancing Indian and Chinese power.
Chinese
investors have built roads, hospitals, colleges and malls and are drawing up
plans to set up rail links and power transmission lines. At Kathmandu ’s international airport, incoming travelers
are greeted by a large advertisement of a “Made in China ” mall that sells everything from rice
cookers to doormats.
In
Pokhara, a tourist hotspot in central Nepal , China is helping build a new airport, a huge
development for the small landlocked country of 29 million. Ministerial visits
between Kathmandu and Beijing have increased in the last two years, and
scholarships and exchanges to China have created new opportunities for young
Nepalis.
“China has been flooding Nepal with investment,” said Constantino Xavier, an
analyst at Carnegie India . “That’s a big game-changing development. For
the first time really, in the history of the country, China is giving Nepal an alternative to India .”
The
option of a second friendly neighborhood giant gives Nepal a bargaining chip to
resist India’s dominance in the country — a prospect that puts new emphasis on
Nepali sovereignty. In election rhetoric, this new focus on sovereignty is
expressed in nationalistic, anti-India terms: restoring Nepal to a time before foreign countries dominated
internal politics.
A
new emphasis on political independence is increasingly important to Nepalis, said
Kathmandu-based political analyst Achyut Wagle. “The popular definition of
nationalism in Nepal is remaining interconnected with India and China but retaining political sovereignty,” he
said.
For
some voters, the rhetoric of restoring Nepal to past glory resonates.
“I
think the party I feel like voting [for] is popular because it strongly claims
Nepal as a nation that is capable of bringing those golden days of Nepal back, where
Nepal stood economically, socially and politically strong without aid
dependency,” said Jyoti Singh Bhandari, a lawyer who will cast her ballot
Thursday.
For
Nepalis, this election marks a pivotal moment in the tempestuous transition
from monarchy to republic. Nepal has changed governments 26 times in the past
28 years. Many hope this election will bring political stability and much-needed
development to the country, which ranks among the poorest in the world.
A
devastating earthquake struck Nepal in 2015, killing around 9,000 people and
leaving tens of thousands homeless. In the aftermath of the quake, India criticized a new constitution that diluted
powers for New
Delhi ’s
allies in Nepal . Then Indian trucks carrying food and fuel
stopped crossing Nepal ’s border. India said the trucks could not pass because
border protests caused security issues, but many Nepalis believe the country
deliberately imposed a blockade to strong-arm politicians into changing the
constitution. The Indian government denies that a blockade was imposed.
The
blockade turned opinion against India , prompting some Nepali politicians to change
their tune on foreign affairs. Oli, once known as the “Man of India ” for his
close links to New
Delhi ’s
establishment, became the country’s most vocal critic.
The
Left Alliance, jointly led by Oli and Pushpa Kamal Dahal, the leader of the
Maoist Communist Party of Nepal, has also pledged to renegotiate treaties with India and increase ties with China . Even other pro-India politicians, such as
the incumbent prime minister, are now talking about a balancing act between Nepal ’s bordering behemoths.
For
Nepalis, “India is seen as overtly trying to influence
elections,” said Akhilesh Upadhyay, editor in chief of the Kathmandu Post. “Many
Nepalis resent that.”
“India ’s traditional strategy to play politics in Kathmandu , by facilitating the creation of favorable
coalition governments, is becoming increasingly redundant,” said Xavier, the
Carnegie India analyst. “China ’s inroads have made New Delhi realize the urgency of delivering more, better
and faster on economic assistance and connectivity. There are no Indian
passenger trains to Nepal , not even up the hills to Kathmandu , and meanwhile China is doing feasibility studies for a railway
across the Himalayan mountains.”
Despite
strong trading ties, India and China spar over borders and compete for strategic
control in Asia . Many issues divide the two countries: China has long been suspicious of India giving citizenship to Tibetan exiles, including
the Dalai Lama, who the Chinese consider dangerous separatists. Border
skirmishes flare up frequently, most recently in the Doklam region in the Himalayas when Indian troops moved in to stop Chinese
road building in territory claimed by Bhutan , a close ally of India .
As
China expands its influence in Nepal , analysts say India ’s leaders are worried the country’s long-open
land border with Nepal could be used to flood the country with
Chinese exports. Guarding the border would strain military resources.
But
Nepali politicians’ embrace of China is a cautious one. The vast majority of Nepal ’s international trade still happens with India , and hundreds of thousands of Nepalis have
gone to India for work or study. Even the Left Alliance
manifesto, despite Oli’s anti-India campaigning, promises to balance the roles
of India and China in the country, Wagle said.
For
many Nepalis, this tug of war will weigh on their decisions as they vote
Thursday. “We have been time and again hit by India ,” said Umesh Giri, who will cast his ballot
in the country’s mid-western district of Surkhet, “which is why it is important
to try and approach different foreign relations.”
Pradeep Bashyal contributed to this report.
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