[Two years ago, the
demonstrators protesting outside the United
Nations building were Syrians who had immigrated to Switzerland or neighboring countries long
before conflict broke out in their homeland. Now, many are recent refugees who
fled bombings, extremist militants or the secret police during the civil war.]
By Anne Barnard
The fighters decamped to a
smokers’ enclosure behind a plate-glass window, its back wall a trompe-l’oeil
image of electric-blue waves that made it seem as though they were submerged in
a fish tank. It was an effect that fit their mood. They were in Geneva , notionally at least, for
peace talks, but back in Syria,
the government and its Russian allies were battering insurgents with scores of
airstrikes. With their men under fire, the commanders were asking themselves
how much longer they could credibly stay.
“Maybe a day,” one, Maj. Hassan Ibrahim, said on Monday night.
By
Wednesday, the talks were indeed suspended, as the intense fighting on the
ground proved there was as little to talk about as ever.
In
an interview earlier, under the watchful eye of an adviser from Saudi Arabia , Major Ibrahim had dutifully
projected strength and determination. But when the Saudi man walked away, the
Syrian, who had defected from the government army in 2011, leaned forward and
confided that the fighters he led in southern Syria were struggling. Supplies of weapons
and salaries from the United States and its allies are dwindling.
Moving in and out of Jordan is getting harder.
“They are doing it to put pressure on us to accept a political
process,” he said, one in which he doubted that the Syrian government — or Russia , a sponsor of the talks —
would make any compromise.
Major Ibrahim was reflecting a growing foreboding among the
opposition’s fighters and civilians, mirrored by growing hope on the government
side, that Washington , interested only in bombing
the Islamic State militant group, is ceding the field to Russia and leaving the opposition on
its own.
So much in Geneva this week was exactly like the last round of Syria
peace talks in the
city two years ago. Soft-lit hotel lobbies sweltered in the heat of glass
fireplaces. Room service offered staple Syrian food — “Oriental mezze” — for
about $40, which in Syria might constitute two weeks’
decent wages. Government and opposition delegates still seemed to be coming
from different planets and witnessing different wars.
And yet something fundamental
had changed. Two years ago, for all the skepticism and ultimate lack of
results, there was a measure of pomp and circumstance. It was the first time
the opposition had participated in formal talks, a kind of international
recognition for the ragtag group of dissidents and insurgents. By the same
token, it provided a stage for President Bashar al-Assad’s government to show
it was still an international player. And it was significant, after all, merely
to have the warring parties pass each other in corridors, look each other in
the eye.
Back then, the Islamic State was a novelty, a fringe group that
controlled a few areas. It was also a novelty for Syrian journalists who
support the opposition, in the safety of Switzerland , to stick microphones in the
faces of government officials and
ask freely about attacks on civilians.
This time, there was, on both sides, grim resignation to a
longer conflict, with darker results. The death toll has doubled since the last
Geneva gathering, and the Islamic
State, not even a party to the talks, has swallowed half of Syria ’s territory.
Two years ago, the demonstrators protesting outside the United
Nations building were Syrians who had immigrated to Switzerland or neighboring countries long
before conflict broke out in their homeland. Now, many are recent refugees who
fled bombings, extremist militants or the secret police during the civil war.
Government supporters are still calling for a victory, but one that
builds in some ugly contingencies. In conversations around Geneva , more furtive and rarer than
last time, they spoke of leaving the Islamic State for now to rule the eastern
city of Raqqa . (“Not a priority,” one said of the remote
provincial city.)
They
also brushed off questions about the bombings of schools, with a number of
contradictory excuses: There are no civilians there, they are only the children
of fighters, the schools are closed, the schools are teaching Islamism.
On the other side, some
antigovernment activists like Adnan Hadad, 31, were asking themselves where the
uprising went wrong. He had little patience for government supporters who
denied systematic attacks on civilians, or for opposition partisans who denied
the rise of hard-line Islamists in their ranks.
“We can’t deny that Nusra is
among us,” Mr. Hadad said, referring to Qaeda-linked fighters entangled with
rebel groups on the battlefield. “It would be like saying this lake is made of
milk.”
Mr. Hadad was walking across a footbridge as a sapphire dusk
descended on Lake Geneva . Neon signs lit up, advertising Swiss watchmakers, their
stained-glass colors reflected on the water. The waterfront buildings, so solid
and staid and clean, sat heavily along the shore like gold watches in velvet
cases.
They could not have been more different from the jagged
cinder-block rubble and delicate, half-destroyed caravansaries of Mr. Hadad’s
hometown, Aleppo . He had visited from Turkey a few weeks before to record
some footage, and his mind lingered there, on a cafe owner called Abu Ibrahim,
briskly handing out cups of coffee with tears in his eyes, with only the
briefest glance across the street at a row of nine unclaimed bodies.
“The people who still live with it every day are not even
allowed to cry, because they know there will be more tomorrow, and the day
after and the day after,” Mr. Hadad said, talking in part about himself. “But
you don’t want to develop that resistance — to not care about people dying.”
He tried to stay focused on what passed for hope: Syrians were
still united, if only by common suffering. On both sides of divided Aleppo , he said, gunmen ask for IDs
at checkpoints, electricity fluctuates, shells fall, and people make plans for
a dash to Europe .
On New Year’s Eve, he recalled, he was in a front-line building
with insurgents who declared they had “a surprise” for government troops
nearby. At midnight , they unleashed mortars — and shells came crashing back, nearly
hitting the building where Mr. Hadad was.
Was there a military purpose?
“Absolutely not,” he said. “The
war has no meaning anymore.”